De Amicitia 1: Laelius Speaks – The Wisdom of Friendship

M. TVLLI CICERONIS LAELIVS DE AMICITIA

[1] Q. Mucius augur multa narrare de C. Laelio socero suo memoriter et iucunde solebat nec dubitare illum in omni sermone appellare sapientem; 

Q. Mucius the augur was accustomed to recount many things about Gaius Laelius, his father-in-law, from memory and in an engaging way, and never hesitated to call him wise in every conversation; 

ego autem a patre ita eram deductus ad Scaevolam sumpta virili toga, ut, quoad possem et liceret, a senis latere numquam discederem; 

I, moreover, had been brought to Scaevola by my father, having donned the toga of manhood, so that, as long as I could and it was allowed, I would never leave the old man's side; 

itaque multa ab eo prudenter disputata, multa etiam breviter et commode dicta memoriae mandabam fierique studebam eius prudentia doctior. 

and so I committed to memory many things wisely discussed by him, many things also briefly and conveniently said, and I was eager to become more learned by his wisdom. 

Quo mortuo me ad pontificem Scaevolam contuli, quem unum nostrae civitatis et ingenio et iustitia praestantissimum audeo dicere. 

When he died, I sought out Scaevola the pontifex, whom I dare to say was the most outstanding in both talent and justice among the men of our state. 

Sed de hoc alias; nunc redeo ad augurem. 

But about this another time; now I return to the augur. 

[2] Cum saepe multa, tum memini domi in hemicyclio sedentem, ut solebat, cum et ego essem una et pauci admodum familiares, in eum sermonem illum incidere qui tum forte multis erat in ore. 

When many things were often discussed, I recall him sitting at home in his semicircle, as was his custom, when I was present and very few of our close friends were there, and he fell into that conversation which by chance was on the lips of many at that time. 

Meministi enim profecto, Attice, et eo magis, quod P. Sulpicio utebare multum, cum is tribunus plebis capitali odio a Q. Pompeio, qui tum erat consul, dissideret, 

For surely you remember, Atticus, and all the more so because you were very much associated with Publius Sulpicius when he, as tribune of the plebs, was at odds with Quintus Pompeius, who was then consul, 

quocum coniunctissime et amantissime vixerat, quanta esset hominum vel admiratio vel querella. 

with whom he had lived most closely and most lovingly, and how great was the people's either admiration or complaint. 

[3] Itaque tum Scaevola cum in eam ipsam mentionem incidisset, exposuit nobis sermonem Laeli de amicitia habitum ab illo secum et cum altero genero, C. Fannio Marci filio, paucis diebus post mortem Africani. 

And so then Scaevola, when he had fallen into that very mention, recounted to us Laelius’s discussion on friendship, held with him and with his other son-in-law, Gaius Fannius, son of Marcus, a few days after the death of Africanus. 

Eius disputationis sententias memoriae mandavi, quas hoc libro exposui arbitratu meo; quasi enim ipsos induxi loquentes, ne 'inquam' et 'inquit' saepius interponeretur, atque ut tamquam a praesentibus coram haberi sermo videretur. 

I committed the substance of that discussion to memory and have presented it in this book as I saw fit; as though I had introduced them speaking directly, so that ‘I said’ and ‘he said’ would not be inserted too often, and so the conversation would appear to take place as if in the presence of the speakers themselves. 

[4] Cum enim saepe mecum ageres ut de amicitia scriberem aliquid, digna mihi res cum omnium cognitione tum nostra familiaritate visa est. 

Since you often urged me to write something about friendship, the topic seemed to me worthy both of general knowledge and of our own relationship. 

Itaque feci non invitus ut prodessem multis rogatu tuo. 

So I did it willingly enough, in order to benefit many people at your request. 

Sed ut in Catone Maiore, qui est scriptus ad te de senectute, Catonem induxi senem disputantem, quia nulla videbatur aptior persona quae de illa aetate loqueretur quam eius qui et diutissime senex fuisset et in ipsa senectute praeter ceteros floruisset, sic cum accepissemus a patribus maxime memorabilem C. Laeli et P. Scipionis familiaritatem fuisse, idonea mihi Laeli persona visa est quae de amicitia ea ipsa dissereret quae disputata ab eo meminisset Scaevola. 

Just as in *Cato the Elder*, written to you on old age, I introduced Cato as an old man disputing—because no character seemed more suitable to speak about that stage of life than one who had not only lived very long but had flourished in old age beyond others—so, since we had heard from our elders that the friendship of Gaius Laelius and Publius Scipio had been especially memorable, the figure of Laelius seemed to me appropriate to discuss those very things which Scaevola remembered him having said. 

Genus autem hoc sermonum positum in hominum veterum auctoritate, et eorum inlustrium, plus nescio quo pacto videtur habere gravitatis; itaque ipse mea legens sic afficior interdum ut Catonem, non me loqui existimem. 

This type of dialogue, grounded in the authority of famous men of old, somehow seems to carry more weight; and so, reading my own work, I sometimes feel as though it were Cato speaking—not I.

[5] Sed ut tum ad senem senex de senectute, sic hoc libro ad amicum amicissimus scripsi de amicitia. 

But as then, an old man to an old man, about old age, so in this book, as a most devoted friend to a friend, I have written about friendship. 

Tum est Cato locutus, quo erat nemo fere senior temporibus illis, nemo prudentior; nunc Laelius et sapiens (sic enim est habitus) et amicitiae gloria excellens de amicitia loquetur. 

Then Cato spoke, than whom there was hardly anyone older or more prudent in those times; now Laelius, both wise (for so he was regarded) and outstanding in the glory of friendship, will speak about friendship. 

Tu velim a me animum parumper avertas, Laelium loqui ipsum putes. 

I would like you to turn your attention away from me for a moment, and imagine that Laelius himself is speaking. 

C. Fannius et Q. Mucius ad socerum veniunt post mortem Africani; ab his sermo oritur, respondet Laelius, cuius tota disputatio est de amicitia, quam legens te ipse cognosces. 

Gaius Fannius and Quintus Mucius come to their father-in-law after the death of Africanus; from them a conversation arises, Laelius replies, and his entire discussion is about friendship, which, as you read it, you will come to understand for yourself. 

[6] Fannius: Sunt ista, Laeli; nec enim melior vir fuit Africano quisquam nec clarior. 

Fannius: Those things are true, Laelius; for no one was a better or more renowned man than Africanus. 

Sed existimare debes omnium oculos in te esse coniectos unum; te sapientem et appellant et existimant. 

But you should realize that all eyes are fixed on you alone; they both call you wise and believe you to be so. 

Tribuebatur hoc modo M. Catoni; scimus L. Acilium apud patres nostros appellatum esse sapientem; sed uterque alio quodam modo, Acilius, quia prudens esse in iure civili putabatur, Cato, quia multarum rerum usum habebat; multa eius et in senatu et in foro vel provisa prudenter vel acta constanter vel responsa acute ferebantur; propterea quasi cognomen iam habebat in senectute sapientis. 

This title was granted in the same way to Marcus Cato; we know that Lucius Acilius was called wise among our elders; but each in his own way—Acilius, because he was considered skilled in civil law, and Cato, because he had broad experience; many of his actions, both in the senate and in the forum, were either wisely planned, resolutely carried out, or cleverly answered; thus by old age he had almost acquired the surname ‘the wise.’

[7] Te autem alio quodam modo non solum natura et moribus, verum etiam studio et doctrina esse sapientem, nec sicut vulgus, sed ut eruditi solent appellare sapientem, qualem in reliqua Graecia neminem (nam qui septem appellantur, eos, qui ista subtilius quaerunt, in numero sapientium non habent), Athenis unum accepimus, et eum quidem etiam Apollinis oraculo sapientissimum iudicatum; hanc esse in te sapientiam existimant, ut omnia tua in te posita esse ducas humanosque casus virtute inferiores putes. 

But they consider you to be wise in a certain other way, not only by nature and character, but also by study and learning, and not as the common crowd, but as the learned are accustomed to call wise, such as in the rest of Greece we have heard of no one (for those who are called the Seven Sages, those who inquire more subtly do not count them among the wise), but one in Athens, and he indeed judged wisest even by the oracle of Apollo; they think this wisdom is in you, that you consider all your possessions to be placed within yourself, and human misfortunes inferior to virtue. 

Itaque ex me quaerunt, credo ex hoc item Scaevola, quonam pacto mortem Africani feras, eoque magis quod proximis Nonis cum in hortos D. Bruti auguris commentandi causa, ut adsolet, venissemus, tu non adfuisti, qui diligentissime semper illum diem et illud munus solitus esses obire. 

And so they ask of me, and I believe of Scaevola here also, in what manner you bear the death of Africanus, and all the more so because on the last Nones, when we had come to the gardens of D. Brutus the augur for the purpose of discussion, as is customary, you were not present, though you had always been accustomed to attend that day and that duty most diligently. 

[8] Scaevola: Quaerunt quidem, C. Laeli, multi, ut est a Fannio dictum, sed ego id respondeo, quod animum adverti, te dolorem, quem acceperis cum summi viri tum amicissimi morte, ferre moderate nec potuisse non commoveri nec fuisse id humanitatis tuae; quod autem Nonis in collegio nostro non adfuisses, valetudinem respondeo causam, non maestitiam fuisse. 

Scaevola: Indeed, many ask, Gaius Laelius, as Fannius has said, but I answer this, which I noticed, that you bear moderately the grief which you received at the death of a man both most eminent and most friendly, and that it was impossible for you not to be moved, and that it was characteristic of your humanity; but as for your absence on the Nones from our college, I answer that illness was the cause, not sadness. 

Laelius: Recte tu quidem, Scaevola, et vere; nec enim ab isto officio, quod semper usurpavi, cum valerem, abduci incommodo meo debui, nec ullo casu arbitror hoc constanti homini posse contingere, ut ulla intermissio fiat officii. 

Laelius: You speak rightly, Scaevola, and truly; for I ought not to have been drawn away from that duty, which I always performed when I was well, by my personal inconvenience, nor do I think it can happen to a steadfast man by any chance that any interruption of duty should occur. 

[9] Tu autem, Fanni, quod mihi tantum tribui dicis quantum ego nec adgnosco nec postulo, facis amice; sed, ut mihi videris, non recte iudicas de Catone; aut enim nemo, quod quidem magis credo, aut si quisquam, ille sapiens fuit. 

You, Fannius, by saying that so much is attributed to me, as much as I neither acknowledge nor demand, you act kindly; but, as it seems to me, you do not judge correctly concerning Cato; for either no one, which indeed I believe more, or if anyone, he was wise. 

Quo modo, ut alia omittam, mortem filii tulit! 

How, to omit other things, did he bear the death of his son! 

Memineram Paulum, videram Galum, sed hi in pueris, Cato in perfecto et spectato viro. 

I remembered Paulus, I had seen Gallus, but these were in boys, Cato in a mature and proven man. 

[10] Quam ob rem cave Catoni anteponas ne istum quidem ipsum, quem Apollo, ut ais, sapientissimum iudicavit; huius enim facta, illius dicta laudantur. 

Therefore, be careful not to prefer to Cato not even that very man, whom Apollo, as you say, judged wisest; for the deeds of the latter are praised, the sayings of the former. 

De me autem, ut iam cum utroque vestrum loquar, sic habetote: Ego si Scipionis desiderio me moveri negem, quam id recte faciam, viderint sapientes; sed certe mentiar. 

Concerning me, however, so that I may now speak with both of you, hold this: If I denied that I am moved by the longing for Scipio, how rightly I do that, let the wise see; but certainly I would lie. 

Moveor enim tali amico orbatus qualis, ut arbitror, nemo umquam erit, ut confirmare possum, nemo certe fuit; sed non egeo medicina, me ipse consolor et maxime illo solacio quod eo errore careo quo amicorum decessu plerique angi solent. 

For I am moved, deprived of such a friend as, I believe, no one ever will be, as I can affirm, no one certainly has been; but I do not need medicine, I console myself, and especially by that comfort, that I am free from that error by which most are accustomed to be distressed by the death of friends. 

Nihil mali accidisse Scipioni puto, mihi accidit, si quid accidit; suis autem incommodis graviter angi non amicum sed se ipsum amantis est. 

I think nothing bad happened to Scipio; it happened to me, if anything happened; but to be severely distressed by one's own misfortunes is not the mark of one who loves a friend, but of one who loves himself. 

[11] Cum illo vero quis neget actum esse praeclare? 

Indeed, who would deny that things turned out splendidly for him? 

Nisi enim, quod ille minime putabat, immortalitatem optare vellet, quid non adeptus est quod homini fas esset optare? 

For unless he wished to desire immortality, which he least thought of, what did he not obtain that it was right for a man to desire? 

Qui summam spem civium, quam de eo iam puero habuerant, continuo adulescens incredibili virtute superavit, qui consulatum petivit numquam, factus consul est bis, primum ante tempus, iterum sibi suo tempore, rei publicae paene sero, qui duabus urbibus eversis inimicissimis huic imperio non modo praesentia verum etiam futura bella delevit. 

He, who, while still a youth, immediately surpassed with incredible virtue the highest hopes of the citizens which they had held for him even as a boy, who never sought the consulship, yet was made consul twice, first before the proper time, again at his own proper time (almost too late for the republic), who, by overthrowing two cities most hostile to this empire, destroyed not only present but also future wars. 

Quid dicam de moribus facillimis, de pietate in matrem, liberalitate in sorores, bonitate in suos, iustitia in omnes? 

What shall I say about his most agreeable manners, his piety towards his mother, his generosity towards his sisters, his kindness towards his own, his justice towards all? 

Nota sunt vobis. 

These things are known to you. 

Quam autem civitati carus fuerit, maerore funeris indicatum est. 

Moreover, how dear he was to the state was indicated by the grief at his funeral. 

Quid igitur hunc paucorum annorum accessio iuvare potuisset? 

What then could the addition of a few years have helped him? 

Senectus enim quamvis non sit gravis, ut memini Catonem anno ante quam est mortuus mecum et cum Scipione disserere, tamen aufert eam viriditatem in qua etiam nunc erat Scipio. 

For old age, although it is not burdensome, as I remember Cato discussing with me and Scipio the year before he died, nevertheless takes away that vigor in which Scipio still was even then. 

[12] Quam ob rem vita quidem talis fuit vel fortuna vel gloria, ut nihil posset accedere, moriendi autem sensum celeritas abstulit; quo de genere mortis difficile dictu est; quid homines suspicentur, videtis; hoc vere tamen licet dicere, P. Scipioni ex multis diebus, quos in vita celeberrimos laetissimosque viderit, illum diem clarissimum fuisse, cum senatu dimisso domum reductus ad vesperum est a patribus conscriptis, populo Romano, sociis et Latinis, pridie quam excessit e vita, ut ex tam alto dignitatis gradu ad superos videatur deos potius quam ad inferos pervenisse. 

Therefore, his life indeed was such in terms of fortune and glory that nothing could be added to it, and the swiftness of his death took away the sensation of dying; concerning this kind of death it is difficult to speak; what people suspect, you see; but truly it is permissible to say this, that for Publius Scipio, out of the many most celebrated and joyful days he had seen in his life, that day was the most illustrious, when, the senate dismissed, he was led back home in the evening by the conscript fathers, the Roman people, the allies and Latins, the day before he departed from life, so that from such a high degree of dignity he seems to have reached the gods above rather than those below. 

[10] Quam ob rem cave Catoni anteponas ne istum quidem ipsum, quem Apollo, ut ais, sapientissimum iudicavit; huius enim facta, illius dicta laudantur. 

Therefore, be careful not to prefer to Cato not even that very man, whom Apollo, as you say, judged wisest; for the deeds of the latter are praised, the sayings of the former. 

De me autem, ut iam cum utroque vestrum loquar, sic habetote: Ego si Scipionis desiderio me moveri negem, quam id recte faciam, viderint sapientes; sed certe mentiar. 

Concerning me, however, so that I may now speak with both of you, hold this: If I denied that I am moved by the longing for Scipio, how rightly I do that, let the wise see; but certainly I would lie. 

Moveor enim tali amico orbatus qualis, ut arbitror, nemo umquam erit, ut confirmare possum, nemo certe fuit; sed non egeo medicina, me ipse consolor et maxime illo solacio quod eo errore careo quo amicorum decessu plerique angi solent. 

For I am moved, deprived of such a friend as, I believe, no one ever will be, as I can affirm, no one certainly has been; but I do not need medicine, I console myself, and especially by that comfort, that I am free from that error by which most are accustomed to be distressed by the death of friends. 

Nihil mali accidisse Scipioni puto, mihi accidit, si quid accidit; suis autem incommodis graviter angi non amicum sed se ipsum amantis est. 

I think nothing bad happened to Scipio; it happened to me, if anything happened; but to be severely distressed by one's own misfortunes is not the mark of one who loves a friend, but of one who loves himself. 

Cover of Historia Philini et Arsinoes
Historia Philini et Arsinoes

Historia Philini et Arsinoes is an original Latin novel in the spirit of Apuleius and Heliodorus: a tale of sacred love, wandering, memory, and reunion, set in the richly imagined world of Roman Egypt. Follow the intertwined destinies of Philinos and Arsinoe, a temple singer and a seeker of forgotten voices, as they journey through exile, ritual, silence, and revelation.

This interlinear edition presents the full Latin text in authentic Golden/Silver Age prose (c. AD 100), line by line with a faithful English rendering beneath. Ideal for upper-intermediate to advanced learners (CEFR B1–C2)

[11] Cum illo vero quis neget actum esse praeclare? 

Indeed, who would deny that things turned out splendidly for him? 

Nisi enim, quod ille minime putabat, immortalitatem optare vellet, quid non adeptus est quod homini fas esset optare? 

For unless he wished to desire immortality, which he least thought of, what did he not obtain that it was right for a man to desire? 

Qui summam spem civium, quam de eo iam puero habuerant, continuo adulescens incredibili virtute superavit, qui consulatum petivit numquam, factus consul est bis, primum ante tempus, iterum sibi suo tempore, rei publicae paene sero, qui duabus urbibus eversis inimicissimis huic imperio non modo praesentia verum etiam futura bella delevit. 

He, who, while still a youth, immediately surpassed with incredible virtue the highest hopes of the citizens which they had held for him even as a boy, who never sought the consulship, yet was made consul twice, first before the proper time, again at his own proper time (almost too late for the republic), who, by overthrowing two cities most hostile to this empire, destroyed not only present but also future wars. 

Quid dicam de moribus facillimis, de pietate in matrem, liberalitate in sorores, bonitate in suos, iustitia in omnes? 

What shall I say about his most agreeable manners, his piety towards his mother, his generosity towards his sisters, his kindness towards his own, his justice towards all? 

Nota sunt vobis. 

These things are known to you. 

Quam autem civitati carus fuerit, maerore funeris indicatum est. 

Moreover, how dear he was to the state was indicated by the grief at his funeral. 

Quid igitur hunc paucorum annorum accessio iuvare potuisset? 

What then could the addition of a few years have helped him? 

Senectus enim quamvis non sit gravis, ut memini Catonem anno ante quam est mortuus mecum et cum Scipione disserere, tamen aufert eam viriditatem in qua etiam nunc erat Scipio. 

For old age, although it is not burdensome, as I remember Cato discussing with me and Scipio the year before he died, nevertheless takes away that vigor in which Scipio still was even then. 

[12] Quam ob rem vita quidem talis fuit vel fortuna vel gloria, ut nihil posset accedere, moriendi autem sensum celeritas abstulit; quo de genere mortis difficile dictu est; quid homines suspicentur, videtis; hoc vere tamen licet dicere, P. Scipioni ex multis diebus, quos in vita celeberrimos laetissimosque viderit, illum diem clarissimum fuisse, cum senatu dimisso domum reductus ad vesperum est a patribus conscriptis, populo Romano, sociis et Latinis, pridie quam excessit e vita, ut ex tam alto dignitatis gradu ad superos videatur deos potius quam ad inferos pervenisse. 

Therefore, his life indeed was such in terms of fortune and glory that nothing could be added to it, and the swiftness of his death took away the sensation of dying; concerning this kind of death it is difficult to speak; what people suspect, you see; but truly it is permissible to say this, that for Publius Scipio, out of the many most celebrated and joyful days he had seen in his life, that day was the most illustrious, when, the senate dismissed, he was led back home in the evening by the conscript fathers, the Roman people, the allies and Latins, the day before he departed from life, so that from such a high degree of dignity he seems to have reached the gods above rather than those below. 

[13] Neque enim assentior iis qui haec nuper disserere coeperunt, cum corporibus simul animos interire atque omnia morte deleri; plus apud me antiquorum auctoritas valet, vel nostrorum maiorum, qui mortuis tam religiosa iura tribuerunt, quod non fecissent profecto si nihil ad eos pertinere arbitrarentur, vel eorum qui in hac terra fuerunt magnamque Graeciam, quae nunc quidem deleta est, tum florebat, institutis et praeceptis suis erudierunt, vel eius qui Apollinis oraculo sapientissimus est iudicatus, qui non tum hoc, tum illud, ut in plerisque, sed semper idem, animos hominum esse divinos, iisque, cum ex corpore excessissent, reditum in caelum patere, optimoque et iustissimo cuique expeditissimum. 

For I do not agree with those who have recently begun to argue this, that souls perish along with bodies and that all things are destroyed by death; the authority of the ancients holds more sway with me, either of our ancestors, who attributed such sacred rights to the dead, which they certainly would not have done if they thought nothing pertained to them, or of those who were in this land and educated Magna Graecia, which is indeed now destroyed but then flourished, with their institutions and precepts, or of him who was judged wisest by the oracle of Apollo, who did not say now this, now that, as in most cases, but always the same thing, that the souls of men are divine, and that for them, when they have departed from the body, a return to heaven is open, and most expeditious for every best and most just person. 

[14] Quod idem Scipioni videbatur, qui quidem, quasi praesagiret, perpaucis ante mortem diebus, cum et Philus et Manilius adesset et alii plures, tuque etiam, Scaevola, mecum venisses, triduum disseruit de re publica; cuius disputationis fuit extremum fere de immortalitate animorum, quae se in quiete per visum ex Africano audisse dicebat. 

This same thing seemed true to Scipio, who indeed, as if he foretold it, a very few days before his death, when both Philus and Manilius were present and many others, and you too, Scaevola, had come with me, discoursed for three days about the republic; the almost final part of which discussion was about the immortality of souls, which he said he had heard from Africanus in a vision during sleep. 

Id si ita est, ut optimi cuiusque animus in morte facillime evolet tamquam e custodia vinclisque corporis, cui censemus cursum ad deos faciliorem fuisse quam Scipioni? 

If this is so, that the soul of every best man flies forth most easily in death as if from the prison and chains of the body, for whom do we think the path to the gods was easier than for Scipio? 

Quocirca maerere hoc eius eventu vereor ne invidi magis quam amici sit. 

Therefore, to grieve at this outcome of his, I fear it may be more characteristic of an envious person than a friend. 

Sin autem illa veriora, ut idem interitus sit animorum et corporum nec ullus sensus maneat, ut nihil boni est in morte, sic certe nihil mali; sensu enim amisso fit idem, quasi natus non esset omnino, quem tamen esse natum et nos gaudemus et haec civitas dum erit laetabitur. 

But if those things are truer, that there is the same destruction of souls and bodies and no sensation remains, just as there is nothing good in death, so certainly there is nothing bad; for with sensation lost, it is the same as if one had not been born at all, yet that he was born both we rejoice and this state, as long as it exists, will be glad. 

[15] Quam ob rem cum illo quidem, ut supra dixi, actum optime est, mecum incommodius, quem fuerat aequius, ut prius introieram, sic prius exire de vita. 

Therefore, as I said above, it certainly turned out best for him, but less conveniently for me, for whom it would have been fairer to depart from life as I had entered it, earlier. 

Sed tamen recordatione nostrae amicitiae sic fruor ut beate vixisse videar, quia cum Scipione vixerim, quocum mihi coniuncta cura de publica re et de privata fuit, quocum et domus fuit et militia communis et, id in quo est omnis vis amicitiae, voluntatum, studiorum, sententiarum summa consensio. 

But nevertheless, I enjoy the recollection of our friendship so much that I seem to have lived blessedly, because I lived with Scipio, with whom I had a shared concern for public and private matters, with whom both my home and military service were common, and, that in which all the power of friendship lies, the utmost agreement of wills, pursuits, and opinions. 

Itaque non tam ista me sapientiae, quam modo Fannius commemoravit, fama delectat, falsa praesertim, quam quod amicitiae nostrae memoriam spero sempiternam fore, idque eo mihi magis est cordi, quod ex omnibus saeculis vix tria aut quattuor nominantur paria amicorum; quo in genere sperare videor Scipionis et Laeli amicitiam notam posteritati fore. 

And so that reputation for wisdom, which Fannius just mentioned, does not delight me so much, especially since it is false, as the hope that the memory of our friendship will be everlasting, and this is all the more dear to my heart, because out of all ages scarcely three or four pairs of friends are named; in which category I seem to hope that the friendship of Scipio and Laelius will be known to posterity. 

[16] Fannius: Istuc quidem, Laeli, ita necesse est. 

Fannius: That indeed, Laelius, must necessarily be so. 

Sed quoniam amicitiae mentionem fecisti et sumus otiosi, pergratum mihi feceris, spero item Scaevolae, si quem ad modum soles de ceteris rebus, cum ex te quaeruntur, sic de amicitia disputaris quid sentias, qualem existimes, quae praecepta des. 

But since you have made mention of friendship and we are at leisure, you will do me a great favor, and I hope likewise Scaevola, if, just as you are accustomed to do concerning other matters, when they are asked of you, so concerning friendship you would discuss what you feel, what kind you judge it to be, what precepts you give. 

Scaevola: Mihi vero erit gratum; atque id ipsum cum tecum agere conarer, Fannius antevertit. 

Scaevola: To me, indeed, it will be pleasing; and Fannius anticipated that very thing when I was trying to urge it with you. 

Quam ob rem utrique nostrum gratum admodum feceris. 

Therefore you will have done something very pleasing to both of us. 

[17] Laelius: Ego vero non gravarer, si mihi ipse confiderem; nam et praeclara res est et sumus, ut dixit Fannius, otiosi. 

Laelius: Indeed, I would not be reluctant, if I trusted myself; for it is both a splendid subject and we are, as Fannius said, at leisure. 

Sed quis ego sum? 

But who am I? 

aut quae est in me facultas? 

Or what ability is in me? 

Doctorum est ista consuetudo, eaque Graecorum, ut iis ponatur de quo disputent quamvis subito; magnum opus est egetque exercitatione non parva. 

That custom belongs to learned men, and particularly to Greeks, that a topic for discussion be given to them however suddenly; it is a great task and requires no small practice. 

Quam ob rem quae disputari de amicitia possunt, ab eis censeo petatis qui ista profitentur; ego vos hortari tantum possum ut amicitiam omnibus rebus humanis anteponatis; nihil est enim tam naturae aptum, tam conveniens ad res vel secundas vel adversas. 

Therefore, I advise that you seek what can be discussed about friendship from those who profess such things; I can only exhort you to prefer friendship to all human affairs; for nothing is so suited to nature, so convenient for circumstances both prosperous and adverse. 

[18] Sed hoc primum sentio, nisi in bonis amicitiam esse non posse; neque id ad vivum reseco, ut illi qui haec subtilius disserunt, fortasse vere, sed ad communem utilitatem parum; negant enim quemquam esse virum bonum nisi sapientem. 

But this I feel first, that friendship cannot exist except among good men; nor do I cut this to the quick, as those do who discuss these matters more subtly, perhaps truly, but too little for common utility; for they deny that anyone is a good man unless he is wise. 

Sit ita sane; sed eam sapientiam interpretantur quam adhuc mortalis nemo est consecutus, nos autem ea quae sunt in usu vitaque communi, non ea quae finguntur aut optantur, spectare debemus. 

Let it be so indeed; but they interpret that wisdom which no mortal has yet attained, while we, however, ought to look at those things which are in common use and life, not those which are imagined or wished for. 

Numquam ego dicam C. Fabricium, M'. Curium, Ti. Coruncanium, quos sapientes nostri maiores iudicabant, ad istorum normam fuisse sapientes. 

I will never say that Gaius Fabricius, Manius Curius, Tiberius Coruncanius, whom our ancestors judged wise, were wise according to the standard of those men. 

Quare sibi habeant sapientiae nomen et invidiosum et obscurum; concedant ut viri boni fuerint. 

Therefore let them keep the name of wisdom for themselves, both invidious and obscure; let them concede that these men were good. 

Ne id quidem facient, negabunt id nisi sapienti posse concedi. 

They will not even do that, they will deny that it can be conceded to anyone but the wise. 

[19] Agamus igitur pingui, ut aiunt, Minerva. 

Let us proceed then, as they say, with a 'fat Minerva' (i.e., with common sense). 

Qui ita se gerunt, ita vivunt ut eorum probetur fides, integritas, aequitas, liberalitas, nec sit in eis ulla cupiditas, libido, audacia, sintque magna constantia, ut ii fuerunt modo quos nominavi, hos viros bonos, ut habiti sunt, sic etiam appellandos putemus, quia sequantur, quantum homines possunt, naturam optimam bene vivendi ducem. 

Those who conduct themselves in such a way, who live in such a way that their trustworthiness, integrity, fairness, generosity are approved, and there is in them no greed, lust, or audacity, and who are of great constancy, as those were whom I just named, these men we should consider good, and call them so, just as they have been regarded, because they follow, as far as humans can, nature, the best guide for living well. 

Sic enim mihi perspicere videor, ita natos esse nos ut inter omnes esset societas quaedam, maior autem ut quisque proxime accederet. 

For thus I seem to perceive, that we were born in such a way that there should be a certain fellowship among all, but a greater one as each person came closer. 

Itaque cives potiores quam peregrini, propinqui quam alieni; cum his enim amicitiam natura ipsa peperit; sed ea non satis habet firmitatis. 

Therefore citizens are preferred to foreigners, relatives to strangers; for with these, nature itself has produced friendship; but it does not have enough firmness. 

Namque hoc praestat amicitia propinquitati, quod ex propinquitate benevolentia tolli potest, ex amicitia non potest; sublata enim benevolentia amicitiae nomen tollitur, propinquitatis manet. 

For friendship surpasses kinship in this, that goodwill can be removed from kinship, but not from friendship; for if goodwill is removed, the name of friendship is removed, but that of kinship remains. 

[20] Quanta autem vis amicitiae sit, ex hoc intellegi maxime potest, quod ex infinita societate generis humani, quam conciliavit ipsa natura, ita contracta res est et adducta in angustum ut omnis caritas aut inter duos aut inter paucos iungeretur. 

Moreover, how great the power of friendship is, can be understood especially from this: because from the infinite society of the human race, which nature itself reconciled, the matter is so contracted and brought into a narrow compass that all affection is joined either between two or among a few. 

Est enim amicitia nihil aliud nisi omnium divinarum humanarumque rerum cum benevolentia et caritate consensio; qua quidem haud scio an excepta sapientia nihil melius homini sit a dis immortalibus datum. 

For friendship is nothing else than a complete agreement on all divine and human matters, accompanied by goodwill and affection; than which, indeed, I hardly know if anything better has been given to man by the immortal gods, wisdom alone excepted. 

Divitias alii praeponunt, bonam alii valetudinem, alii potentiam, alii honores, multi etiam voluptates. 

Some prefer riches, others good health, others power, others honors, many also pleasures. 

Beluarum hoc quidem extremum, illa autem superiora caduca et incerta, posita non tam in consiliis nostris quam in fortunae temeritate. 

The latter indeed is characteristic of beasts, while the former things are fleeting and uncertain, placed not so much in our counsels as in the randomness of fortune. 

Qui autem in virtute summum bonum ponunt, praeclare illi quidem, sed haec ipsa virtus amicitiam et gignit et continet nec sine virtute amicitia esse ullo pacto potest. 

But those who place the highest good in virtue, they indeed do so splendidly, but this very virtue both engenders and maintains friendship, nor can friendship exist in any way without virtue. 

[21] Iam virtutem ex consuetudine vitae sermonisque nostri interpretemur nec eam, ut quidam docti, verborum magnificentia metiamur virosque bonos eos, qui habentur, numeremus, Paulos, Catones, Galos, Scipiones, Philos; his communis vita contenta est; eos autem omittamus, qui omnino nusquam reperiuntur. 

Now let us interpret virtue according to the custom of our life and speech, and not measure it, as some learned men do, by magnificence of words, and let us count as good men those who are so considered: the Pauluses, Catos, Galluses, Scipios, Philos; with these, common life is content; but let us omit those who are found nowhere at all. 

[22] Talis igitur inter viros amicitia tantas opportunitates habet quantas vix queo dicere. 

Therefore, such friendship among men has opportunities so great that I can scarcely express them. 

Principio qui potest esse vita 'vitalis', ut ait Ennius, quae non in amici mutua benevolentia conquiescit? 

In the first place, how can life be 'living,' as Ennius says, which does not find rest in the mutual goodwill of a friend? 

Quid dulcius quam habere quicum omnia audeas sic loqui ut tecum? 

What is sweeter than to have someone with whom you dare to speak of everything as if with yourself? 

Qui esset tantus fructus in prosperis rebus, nisi haberes, qui illis aeque ac tu ipse gauderet? 

What so great fruit would there be in prosperous circumstances, if you did not have one who would rejoice in them as much as you yourself? 

Adversas vero ferre difficile esset sine eo qui illas gravius etiam quam tu ferret. 

Indeed, it would be difficult to bear adverse circumstances without one who would bear them even more gravely than you. 

Denique ceterae res quae expetuntur opportunae sunt singulae rebus fere singulis, divitiae, ut utare, opes, ut colare, honores, ut laudere, voluptates, ut gaudeas, valetudo, ut dolore careas et muneribus fungare corporis; amicitia res plurimas continet; quoquo te verteris, praesto est, nullo loco excluditur, numquam intempestiva, numquam molesta est; itaque non aqua, non igni, ut aiunt, locis pluribus utimur quam amicitia. 

Finally, other things which are sought are each opportune for almost single purposes: riches, that you may use them; power, that you may be honored; honors, that you may be praised; pleasures, that you may rejoice; health, that you may be free from pain and perform the functions of the body; friendship contains very many things; wherever you turn yourself, it is present, it is excluded from no place, it is never untimely, never troublesome; and so, as they say, we do not use water or fire in more places than friendship. 

Neque ego nunc de vulgari aut de mediocri, quae tamen ipsa et delectat et prodest, sed de vera et perfecta loquor, qualis eorum qui pauci nominantur fuit. 

Nor am I now speaking of common or mediocre friendship, which nevertheless itself both delights and benefits, but of true and perfect friendship, such as was that of those who are few in number. 

Nam et secundas res splendidiores facit amicitia et adversas partiens communicansque leviores. 

For friendship both makes prosperous circumstances more splendid and by sharing and communicating adverse ones, makes them lighter.