De Bello Gallico Book 1 (28–54)
[28]
1 Quod ubi Caesar
resciit, quorum per fines ierant his uti conquirerent et reducerent, si sibi
purgati esse vellent, imperavit; reductos in hostium numero habuit;
1 When Caesar learned
of this, he ordered those through whose territory they had passed to search for
them and bring them back, if they wished to clear themselves of guilt; those
brought back he treated as enemies.
2 reliquos omnes
obsidibus, armis, perfugis traditis in deditionem accepit.
2 All the rest, after
handing over hostages, arms, and deserters, he accepted into surrender.
3 Helvetios, Tulingos,
Latobrigos in fines suos, unde erant profecti, reverti iussit, et, quod omnibus
frugibus amissis domi nihil erat quo famem tolerarent, Allobrogibus imperavit
ut iis frumenti copiam facerent; ipsos oppida vicosque, quos incenderant,
restituere iussit. Id ea maxime ratione fecit, quod noluit eum locum unde
Helvetii discesserant vacare, ne propter bonitatem agrorum Germani, qui trans
Rhenum incolunt, ex suis finibus in Helvetiorum fines transirent et finitimi
Galliae provinciae Allobrogibusque essent.
3 He ordered the
Helvetii, Tulingi, and Latobrigi to return to their own lands from which they
had set out. And because, with all their crops lost, they had nothing at home
to stave off hunger, he ordered the Allobroges to provide them with a supply of
grain. He also ordered them to rebuild the towns and villages they had burned.
He did this chiefly so that the territory which the Helvetii had vacated would
not lie empty, lest the Germans, who lived across the Rhine, should cross into
Helvetian territory on account of the fertility of the land, and thereby become
neighbors to the Roman province of Gaul and the Allobroges.
4 Boios petentibus
Haeduis, quod egregia virtute erant cogniti, ut in finibus suis conlocarent,
concessit; quibus illi agros dederunt quosque postea in parem iuris
libertatisque condicionem atque ipsi erant receperunt.
4 To the Boii, at the
request of the Haedui—because they were known for their distinguished valor—he
granted permission to settle within the Haedui's territory; the Haedui gave
them land and later admitted them into the same legal and civic rights as they
themselves possessed.
[29]
1 In castris
Helvetiorum tabulae repertae sunt litteris Graecis confectae et ad Caesarem
relatae, quibus in tabulis nominatim ratio confecta erat, qui numerus domo
exisset eorum qui arma ferre possent, et item separatim, quot pueri, senes
mulieresque.
1 In the Helvetian
camp, tablets written in Greek letters were found and brought to Caesar, in
which a list was drawn up by name of how many had left home who could bear
arms, and also separately, how many children, elders, and women.
2 [Quarum omnium
rerum] summa erat capitum Helvetiorum milium CCLXIII, Tulingorum milium XXXVI,
Latobrigorum XIIII, Rauracorum XXIII, Boiorum XXXII; ex his qui arma ferre
possent ad milia nonaginta duo.
2 The total of all
these persons was: 263,000 Helvetii, 36,000 Tulingi, 14,000 Latobrigi, 23,000
Rauraci, and 32,000 Boii; of these, about 92,000 were able to bear arms.
3 Summa omnium fuerunt
ad milia CCCLXVIII. Eorum qui domum redierunt censu habito, ut Caesar
imperaverat, repertus est numerus milium C et X.
3 The total of all was
about 368,000. Of those who returned home, after a census was taken as Caesar
had ordered, the number was found to be 110,000.
[30]
1 Bello Helvetiorum
confecto totius fere Galliae legati, principes civitatum, ad Caesarem
gratulatum convenerunt:
1 With the war against
the Helvetii concluded, ambassadors from almost all Gaul, chiefs of the states,
assembled to congratulate Caesar:
2 intellegere sese,
tametsi pro veteribus Helvetiorum iniuriis populi Romani ab his poenas bello
repetisset, tamen eam rem non minus ex usu [terrae] Galliae quam populi Romani
accidisse,
2 they understood that
although he had sought punishment by war from the Helvetii for the
long-standing injuries done to the Roman people, nevertheless this event had
occurred as much to the advantage of [the land of] Gaul as to the Roman
people,
3 propterea quod eo
consilio florentissimis rebus domos suas Helvetii reliquissent uti toti Galliae
bellum inferrent imperioque potirentur, locumque domicilio ex magna copia
deligerent quem ex omni Gallia oportunissimum ac fructuosissimum iudicassent,
reliquasque civitates stipendiarias haberent.
3 because the
Helvetii, though in the most flourishing condition, had left their homes with
the purpose of making war on all Gaul and seizing power, and of choosing for a
settlement, out of a great number of possibilities, the place which they had
judged the most advantageous and fertile in all Gaul, and of making the other
states tributary.
4 Petierunt uti sibi
concilium totius Galliae in diem certam indicere idque Caesaris facere
voluntate liceret: sese habere quasdam res quas ex communi consensu ab eo
petere vellent.
4 They requested that
they be allowed, with Caesar’s permission, to convene a general assembly of all
Gaul on a fixed day: saying that they had certain matters which they wished, by
common consent, to request of him.
5 Ea re permissa diem
concilio constituerunt et iure iurando ne quis enuntiaret, nisi quibus communi
consilio mandatum esset, inter se sanxerunt.
5 With this permission
granted, they appointed a day for the assembly and bound themselves by oath
that no one should reveal anything, except those who had been entrusted with it
by common agreement.
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[31]
1 Eo concilio dimisso,
idem princeps civitatum qui ante fuerant ad Caesarem reverterunt petieruntque
uti sibi secreto in occulto de sua omniumque salute cum eo agere liceret.
1 With the council
dismissed, the same chiefs of the states who had come before returned to Caesar
and asked that they be allowed to speak with him secretly and in private about
their own safety and that of all.
2 Ea re impetrata sese
omnes flentes Caesari ad pedes proiecerunt: non minus se id contendere et
laborare ne ea quae dixissent enuntiarentur quam uti ea quae vellent
impetrarent, propterea quod, si enuntiatum esset, summum in cruciatum se
venturos viderent.
2 Having obtained this
permission, they all, weeping, threw themselves at Caesar’s feet: saying that
they strove and labored no less to prevent the disclosure of what they had said
than to gain what they wished—because, if it were revealed, they saw they would
face the utmost torture.
3 Locutus est pro his
Diviciacus Haeduus: Galliae totius factiones esse duas; harum alterius
principatum tenere Haeduos, alterius Arvernos.
3 Diviciacus the
Haeduan spoke on their behalf: that all Gaul was divided into two factions; of
these, the Haedui held the leadership of one, the Arverni of the other.
4 Hi cum tantopere de
potentatu inter se multos annos contenderent, factum esse uti ab Arvernis
Sequanisque Germani mercede arcesserentur.
4 These, after
contending for many years over supremacy, had brought in Germans on pay, summoned
by the Arverni and the Sequani.
5 Horum primo circiter
milia XV Rhenum transisse; postea quam agros et cultum et copias Gallorum
homines feri ac barbari adamassent, traductos plures; nunc esse in Gallia ad C
et XX milium numerum.
5 Of these, about
fifteen thousand had first crossed the Rhine; later, when these savage and
barbarous men had come to admire the lands, cultivation, and resources of the
Gauls, more had been brought across; now there were in Gaul around one hundred
and twenty thousand.
6 Cum his Haeduos
eorumque clientes semel atque iterum armis contendisse; magnam calamitatem
pulsos accepisse, omnem nobilitatem, omnem senatum, omnem equitatum
amisisse.
6 That the Haedui and
their clients had fought with these in arms more than once, and having been
defeated, had suffered a great disaster, losing all their nobility, all their
senate, and all their cavalry.
7 Quibus proeliis
calamitatibusque fractos, qui et sua virtute et populi Romani hospitio atque
amicitia plurimum ante in Gallia potuissent, coactos esse Sequanis obsides dare
nobilissimos civitatis et iure iurando civitatem obstringere sese neque obsides
repetituros neque auxilium a populo Romano imploraturos neque recusaturos quo
minus perpetuo sub illorum dicione atque imperio essent.
7 Broken by these
battles and disasters, those who had formerly been most powerful in Gaul
through their own courage and the hospitality and friendship of the Roman
people, had been forced to give the Sequani the noblest hostages of the state,
and to bind the state by oath that they would neither reclaim the hostages nor
seek help from the Roman people nor refuse to remain forever under their
dominion and command.
8 Unum se esse ex omni
civitate Haeduorum qui adduci non potuerit ut iuraret aut liberos suos obsides
daret.
8 That he was the only
one from the entire Haeduan state who had not been able to be induced to swear
an oath or give his children as hostages.
9 Ob eam rem se ex
civitate profugisse et Romam ad senatum venisse auxilium postulatum, quod solus
neque iure iurando neque obsidibus teneretur.
9 For that reason, he
had fled from his state and come to Rome to the Senate to seek aid, because he
alone was bound neither by oath nor by hostages.
10 Sed peius
victoribus Sequanis quam Haeduis victis accidisse, propterea quod Ariovistus,
rex Germanorum, in eorum finibus consedisset tertiamque partem agri Sequani,
qui esset optimus totius Galliae, occupavisset et nunc de altera parte tertia
Sequanos decedere iuberet, propterea quod paucis mensibus ante Harudum milia
hominum XXIIII ad eum venissent, quibus locus ac sedes pararentur.
10 But that it had
turned out worse for the victorious Sequani than for the conquered Haedui,
because Ariovistus, king of the Germans, had settled within their territory and
had occupied a third part of the Sequanian land, which was the best in all
Gaul, and now he was ordering the Sequani to vacate another third part, because
a few months earlier twenty-four thousand men of the Harudes had come to him,
for whom a place and settlement were being prepared.
11 Futurum esse paucis
annis uti omnes ex Galliae finibus pellerentur atque omnes Germani Rhenum
transirent; neque enim conferendum esse Gallicum cum Germanorum agro neque hanc
consuetudinem victus cum illa comparandam.
11 That within a few
years it would come to pass that all would be driven out from the borders of
Gaul and all the Germans would cross the Rhine; for the Gallic land was not to
be compared with that of the Germans, nor was this way of life to be compared
with theirs.
12 Ariovistum autem,
ut semel Gallorum copias proelio vicerit, quod proelium factum sit ad
Magetobrigam, superbe et crudeliter imperare, obsides nobilissimi cuiusque
liberos poscere et in eos omnia exempla cruciatusque edere, si qua res non ad
nutum aut ad voluntatem eius facta sit.
12 But Ariovistus,
since he had once defeated the forces of the Gauls in battle (which was fought
at Magetobriga), ruled arrogantly and cruelly, demanded the children of the
noblest men as hostages, and inflicted upon them every kind of punishment and
torture, if anything were not done according to his nod or will.
13 Hominem esse
barbarum, iracundum, temerarium: non posse eius imperia diutius sustineri.
13 That he was a
barbaric, hot-tempered, reckless man: that his commands could no longer be
endured.
14 Nisi quid in
Caesare populoque Romano sit auxilii, omnibus Gallis idem esse faciendum quod
Helvetii fecerint, ut domo emigrent, aliud domicilium, alias sedes, remotas a
Germanis, petant fortunamque, quaecumque accidat, experiantur. Haec si
enuntiata Ariovisto sint, non dubitare quin de omnibus obsidibus qui apud eum
sint gravissimum supplicium sumat.
14 Unless there was
some aid in Caesar and the Roman people, all the Gauls would have to do the
same thing the Helvetii had done: to leave their homes, seek another dwelling,
other settlements, far from the Germans, and test whatever fortune might arise.
If these things were reported to Ariovistus, he had no doubt that he would
exact the most severe punishment on all the hostages who were with him.
15 Caesarem vel
auctoritate sua atque exercitus vel recenti victoria vel nomine populi Romani
deterrere posse ne maior multitudo Germanorum Rhenum traducatur, Galliamque
omnem ab Ariovisti iniuria posse defendere.
15 That Caesar, either
by his own authority and that of his army, or by his recent victory, or by the
name of the Roman people, could deter a larger multitude of Germans from
crossing the Rhine, and could defend all Gaul from the injustice of
Ariovistus.
[32]
1 Hac oratione ab
Diviciaco habita omnes qui aderant magno fletu auxilium a Caesare petere
coeperunt.
1 After this speech
had been delivered by Diviciacus, all who were present began to beseech Caesar
with great weeping for help.
2 Animadvertit Caesar
unos ex omnibus Sequanos nihil earum rerum facere quas ceteri facerent sed
tristes capite demisso terram intueri. Eius rei quae causa esset miratus ex
ipsis quaesiit.
2 Caesar noticed that
the Sequani alone of all were doing none of the things the others were doing,
but in sadness, with heads bowed, were looking down at the ground. Wondering
what the cause of this might be, he asked them himself.
3 Nihil Sequani
respondere, sed in eadem tristitia taciti permanere. Cum ab his saepius
quaereret neque ullam omnino vocem exprimere posset, idem Diviciacus Haeduus
respondit:
3 The Sequani
responded nothing, but remained silent in the same sadness. When he asked them
repeatedly and could get no answer at all, the same Diviciacus the Haeduan
replied:
4 hoc esse miseriorem
et graviorem fortunam Sequanorum quam reliquorum, quod soli ne in occulto
quidem queri neque auxilium implorare auderent absentisque Ariovisti
crudelitatem,
4 that the misfortune
of the Sequani was more wretched and more severe than that of the rest, because
they alone dared not complain even in secret nor beg for aid, and they dreaded
the cruelty of the absent Ariovistus
5 velut si coram
adesset, horrerent, propterea quod reliquis tamen fugae facultas daretur,
Sequanis vero, qui intra fines suos Ariovistum recepissent, quorum oppida omnia
in potestate eius essent, omnes cruciatus essent perferendi.
5 as though he were
present in person, because while to the others at least the option of flight
was available, the Sequani, who had received Ariovistus within their borders
and whose towns were all in his power, had to endure every kind of
torture.
[33]
1 His rebus cognitis
Caesar Gallorum animos verbis confirmavit pollicitusque est sibi eam rem curae
futuram; magnam se habere spem et beneficio suo et auctoritate adductum
Ariovistum finem iniuriis facturum. Hac oratione habita, concilium
dimisit.
1 Having learned these
matters, Caesar encouraged the spirits of the Gauls with words and promised
that he would take care of the matter; he had great hope that Ariovistus,
influenced by his favor and authority, would put an end to his injustices.
After delivering this speech, he dismissed the council.
2 Et secundum ea
multae res eum hortabantur quare sibi eam rem cogitandam et suscipiendam
putaret, in primis quod Haeduos, fratres consanguineosque saepe numero a senatu
appellatos, in servitute atque [in] dicione videbat Germanorum teneri eorumque
obsides esse apud Ariovistum ac Sequanos intellegebat; quod in tanto imperio
populi Romani turpissimum sibi et rei publicae esse arbitrabatur.
2 And in addition to
this, many reasons urged him why he should consider and undertake the
matter—chiefly because he saw that the Haedui, often called brothers and
kinsmen by the Senate, were held in servitude and subjection by the Germans,
and he understood that their hostages were with Ariovistus and the Sequani. He
considered this a disgrace both to himself and to the Republic in so great an
empire of the Roman people.
3 Paulatim autem
Germanos consuescere Rhenum transire et in Galliam magnam eorum multitudinem
venire populo Romano periculosum videbat, neque sibi homines feros ac barbaros
temperaturos existimabat quin, cum omnem Galliam occupavissent, ut ante Cimbri
Teutonique fecissent, in provinciam exirent atque inde in Italiam contenderent
[, praesertim cum Sequanos a provincia nostra Rhodanus divideret]; quibus rebus
quam maturrime occurrendum putabat.
3 Moreover, he saw
that it was dangerous to the Roman people that the Germans were gradually
becoming accustomed to crossing the Rhine and that large numbers of them were
entering Gaul. He did not think that such wild and barbarous men would restrain
themselves from, after occupying all Gaul—as the Cimbri and Teutones had done
before—advancing into the Province and from there into Italy [especially since
the Rhone separated the Sequani from our Province]; and he thought these
developments must be countered as soon as possible.
4 Ipse autem
Ariovistus tantos sibi spiritus, tantam arrogantiam sumpserat, ut ferendus non
videretur.
4 Ariovistus himself,
moreover, had assumed such airs and such arrogance that he seemed no longer
tolerable.
[34]
1 Quam ob rem placuit
ei ut ad Ariovistum legatos mitteret, qui ab eo postularent uti aliquem locum
medium utrisque conloquio deligeret: velle sese de re publica et summis
utriusque rebus cum eo agere.
1 For this reason, it
pleased him to send ambassadors to Ariovistus, to request that he choose a
location midway between them for a meeting: that he wished to discuss with him
matters of state and the highest interests of both parties.
2 Ei legationi
Ariovistus respondit: si quid ipsi a Caesare opus esset, sese ad eum venturum
fuisse; si quid ille se velit, illum ad se venire oportere.
2 Ariovistus replied
to the embassy that, if he had needed anything from Caesar, he would have gone
to him; if Caesar wanted anything from him, it was Caesar who ought to come to
him.
3 Praeterea se neque
sine exercitu in eas partes Galliae venire audere quas Caesar possideret, neque
exercitum sine magno commeatu atque molimento in unum locum contrahere
posse.
3 Moreover, he did not
dare to come without an army into those parts of Gaul which Caesar occupied,
nor could he gather an army into one place without great provision and
effort.
4 Sibi autem mirum
videri quid in sua Gallia, quam bello vicisset, aut Caesari aut omnino populo
Romano negotii esset.
4 As for himself, he
wondered what business either Caesar or, indeed, the Roman people could have in
his Gaul, which he had conquered by war.
[35]
1 His responsis ad
Caesarem relatis, iterum ad eum Caesar legatos cum his mandatis mittit:
1 When these replies
were reported to Caesar, he again sent ambassadors to him with these
instructions:
2 quoniam tanto suo
populique Romani beneficio adfectus, cum in consulatu suo rex atque amicus a
senatu appellatus esset, hanc sibi populoque Romano gratiam referret ut in conloquium
venire invitatus gravaretur neque de communi re dicendum sibi et cognoscendum
putaret, haec esse quae ab eo postularet:
2 since, having been
so favored by himself and by the Roman people—being declared king and friend by
the Senate during Caesar’s consulship—he now returned this gratitude to himself
and the Roman people by refusing to come to a conference when invited, and by
thinking that common concerns were not worth discussing or learning about,
these were the demands he made of him:
3 primum ne quam
multitudinem hominum amplius trans Rhenum in Galliam traduceret; deinde obsides
quos haberet ab Haeduis redderet Sequanisque permitteret ut quos illi haberent
voluntate eius reddere illis liceret; neve Haeduos iniuria lacesseret neve his
sociisque eorum bellum inferret.
3 first, that he
should bring no additional number of men across the Rhine into Gaul; next, that
he should return the hostages he held from the Haedui, and allow the Sequani to
return theirs to the Haedui with his consent; and that he should not provoke
the Haedui with injustice, nor make war upon them or their allies.
4 Si [id] ita
fecisset, sibi populoque Romano perpetuam gratiam atque amicitiam cum eo
futuram; si non impetraret, sese, quoniam M. Messala, M. Pisone consulibus senatus
censuisset uti quicumque Galliam provinciam obtineret, quod commodo rei
publicae facere posset, Haeduos ceterosque amicos populi Romani defenderet, se
Haeduorum iniurias non neglecturum.
4 If he did so, Caesar
and the Roman people would maintain perpetual gratitude and friendship with
him; but if he failed to do so, Caesar, since the Senate had decreed in the
consulship of Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso that whoever held the province of
Gaul should defend the Haedui and other friends of the Roman people insofar as
the interests of the Republic allowed, would not ignore the wrongs done to the
Haedui.
[36]
1 Ad haec Ariovistus
respondit: ius esse belli ut qui vicissent iis quos vicissent quem ad modum
vellent imperarent. Item populum Romanum victis non ad alterius praescriptum,
sed ad suum arbitrium imperare consuesse.
1 To this, Ariovistus
replied that the right of war was that those who had conquered should rule
those whom they had conquered as they wished. Likewise, the Roman people were
accustomed to rule the conquered not by another's dictates, but according to
their own will.
2 Si ipse populo
Romano non praescriberet quem ad modum suo iure uteretur, non oportere se a
populo Romano in suo iure impediri.
2 If he did not
prescribe to the Roman people how they should exercise their own right, he
ought not to be hindered by the Roman people in his.
3 Haeduos sibi,
quoniam belli fortunam temptassent et armis congressi ac superati essent,
stipendiarios esse factos.
3 The Haedui, since
they had tried the fortune of war and had joined battle and been defeated, had
become tributaries to him.
4 Magnam Caesarem
iniuriam facere, qui suo adventu vectigalia sibi deteriora faceret.
4 Caesar was doing him
a great wrong in diminishing his revenues by his arrival.
5 Haeduis se obsides
redditurum non esse neque his neque eorum sociis iniuria bellum inlaturum, si
in eo manerent quod convenisset stipendiumque quotannis penderent; si id non
fecissent, longe iis fraternum nomen populi Romani afuturum.
5 He would not return
the hostages to the Haedui, nor would he wage war unjustly on them or their
allies, if they remained in the agreement and paid the annual tribute; if they
failed to do so, the fraternal name of the Roman people would be far from
them.
6 Quod sibi Caesar
denuntiaret se Haeduorum iniurias non neglecturum, neminem secum sine sua
pernicie contendisse. Cum vellet, congrederetur: intellecturum quid invicti
Germani, exercitatissimi in armis, qui inter annos XIIII tectum non subissent,
virtute possent.
6 As for Caesar's
warning that he would not overlook the wrongs of the Haedui, no one had ever contended
with him without ruin to themselves. Let Caesar come to battle whenever he
pleased: he would come to understand what unconquered Germans, most trained in
arms, who had not entered a roof in fourteen years, could accomplish through
their valor.
[37]
1 Haec eodem tempore
Caesari mandata referebantur et legati ab Haeduis et a Treveris veniebant:
1 At the same time
these messages were reported back to Caesar, ambassadors were coming from the
Haedui and the Treveri:
2 Haedui questum quod
Harudes, qui nuper in Galliam transportati essent, fines eorum popularentur:
sese ne obsidibus quidem datis pacem Ariovisti redimere potuisse;
2 The Haedui came to
complain that the Harudes, who had been recently brought into Gaul, were
devastating their lands: that they had not even been able to purchase peace
from Ariovistus by giving hostages;
3 Treveri autem, pagos
centum Sueborum ad ripas Rheni consedisse, qui Rhenum transire conarentur; his
praeesse Nasuam et Cimberium fratres. Quibus rebus Caesar vehementer commotus
maturandum sibi existimavit, ne, si nova manus Sueborum cum veteribus copiis
Ariovisti sese coniunxisset, minus facile resisti posset.
3 The Treveri,
however, reported that one hundred cantons of the Suebi had settled on the
banks of the Rhine and were trying to cross it; that Nasua and Cimberius,
brothers, were leading them. Caesar, deeply disturbed by these events, judged
that he must act quickly, lest a new force of Suebi should unite with
Ariovistus’s veteran troops and become harder to resist.
4 Itaque re
frumentaria quam celerrime potuit comparata magnis itineribus ad Ariovistum
contendit.
4 Therefore, having
secured a supply of grain as quickly as possible, he hastened by forced marches
toward Ariovistus.
[38]
1 Cum tridui viam
processisset, nuntiatum est ei Ariovistum cum suis omnibus copiis ad occupandum
Vesontionem, quod est oppidum maximum Sequanorum, contendere [triduique viam a
suis finibus processisse]. Id ne accideret, magnopere sibi praecavendum Caesar existimabat.
Namque omnium rerum quae ad bellum usui erant summa erat in eo oppido
facultas,
1 When he had advanced
a three-day march, it was reported to him that Ariovistus with all his forces
was hastening to seize Vesontio, the largest town of the Sequani [and that he
too had advanced a three-day march from his own borders]. Caesar considered
that he must with great care prevent this from happening. For in that town
there was the greatest supply of all things useful for war,
2 idque natura loci
sic muniebatur ut magnam ad ducendum bellum daret facultatem, propterea quod
flumen Dubis ut circino circumductum paene totum oppidum cingit,
2 and it was so
fortified by the nature of the place that it offered great advantage for
carrying on a war, because the river Doubs, as if drawn around with a compass,
almost entirely encircles the town,
3 reliquum spatium,
quod est non amplius pedum MDC, qua flumen intermittit, mons continet magna
altitudine, ita ut radices eius montis ex utraque parte ripae fluminis contingant,
3 the remaining space,
which is no more than 1,600 feet, where the river ceases to surround it, is
occupied by a mountain of great height, so that the roots of this mountain
touch the riverbanks on both sides,
4 hunc murus
circumdatus arcem efficit et cum oppido coniungit.
4 and a wall built
around this makes it a citadel and joins it to the town.
5 Huc Caesar magnis
nocturnis diurnisque itineribus contendit occupatoque oppido ibi praesidium
conlocat.
5 To this place Caesar
hurried by great marches both day and night, and having occupied the town, he
stationed a garrison there.
[39]
1 Dum paucos dies ad
Vesontionem rei frumentariae commeatusque causa moratur, ex percontatione
nostrorum vocibusque Gallorum ac mercatorum, qui ingenti magnitudine corporum
Germanos, incredibili virtute atque exercitatione in armis esse praedicabant
(saepe numero sese cum his congressos ne vultum quidem atque aciem oculorum
dicebant ferre potuisse), tantus subito timor omnem exercitum occupavit ut non
mediocriter omnium mentes animosque perturbaret.
1 While Caesar stayed
a few days at Vesontio for the sake of grain and supplies, from the reports of
our men and the statements of the Gauls and merchants—who asserted that the
Germans were of immense size, of incredible courage, and highly trained in arms
(often saying that, having met them in battle, they could not even bear their
look or the glare of their eyes)—such sudden fear seized the entire army that
it greatly disturbed the minds and spirits of all.
2 Hic primum ortus est
a tribunis militum, praefectis, reliquisque qui ex urbe amicitiae causa Caesarem
secuti non magnum in re militari usum habebant:
2 This fear first
arose among the military tribunes, prefects, and others who had followed Caesar
from the city out of friendship, but had little experience in warfare:
3 quorum alius alia
causa inlata, quam sibi ad proficiscendum necessariam esse diceret, petebat ut
eius voluntate discedere liceret; non nulli pudore adducti, ut timoris
suspicionem vitarent, remanebant.
3 one of whom,
alleging one reason or another as necessary for his departure, requested
permission to leave with Caesar’s consent; some, moved by shame, stayed behind
so as to avoid suspicion of fear.
4 Hi neque vultum
fingere neque interdum lacrimas tenere poterant: abditi in tabernaculis aut
suum fatum querebantur aut cum familiaribus suis commune periculum
miserabantur. Vulgo totis castris testamenta obsignabantur.
4 These men could
neither disguise their expressions nor, at times, restrain their tears: hidden
in their tents, they either lamented their own fate or bewailed the common
danger with their friends. Wills were being sealed throughout the whole
camp.
5 Horum vocibus ac
timore paulatim etiam ii qui magnum in castris usum habebant, milites
centurionesque quique equitatui praeerant, perturbabantur.
5 By the voices and
fear of these men, even those who had great experience in the camp—soldiers,
centurions, and those in charge of the cavalry—were gradually unsettled.
6 Qui se ex his minus
timidos existimari volebant, non se hostem vereri, sed angustias itineris et
magnitudinem silvarum quae intercederent inter ipsos atque Ariovistum, aut rem
frumentariam, ut satis commode supportari posset, timere dicebant.
6 Those who wished to
be thought less fearful among them said that they did not fear the enemy, but
rather the narrowness of the route and the vastness of the forests that lay
between themselves and Ariovistus, or the grain supply, fearing that it could
not be conveniently brought up.
7 Non nulli etiam
Caesari nuntiabant, cum castra moveri ac signa ferri iussisset, non fore dicto
audientes milites neque propter timorem signa laturos.
7 Some even reported
to Caesar that, if he ordered the camp to be moved and the standards to be
carried, the soldiers would not obey the command nor bear the standards because
of fear.
[40]
1 Haec cum
animadvertisset, convocato consilio omniumque ordinum ad id consilium adhibitis
centurionibus, vehementer eos incusavit: primum, quod aut quam in partem aut
quo consilio ducerentur sibi quaerendum aut cogitandum putarent.
1 When Caesar had
noticed these things, having convened a council and summoned centurions of
every rank to it, he sharply rebuked them: first, for thinking it their place
to ask or deliberate in what direction or with what intention they were being
led.
2 Ariovistum se
consule cupidissime populi Romani amicitiam adpetisse; cur hunc tam temere
quisquam ab officio discessurum iudicaret?
2 Ariovistus, during
his own consulship, had most eagerly sought the friendship of the Roman people;
why should anyone so rashly suppose that he would now abandon that
alliance?
3 Sibi quidem
persuaderi cognitis suis postulatis atque aequitate condicionum perspecta eum
neque suam neque populi Romani gratiam repudiaturum.
3 He himself was
persuaded that, once his demands were known and the fairness of the conditions
understood, Ariovistus would reject neither his own goodwill nor that of the
Roman people.
4 Quod si furore atque
amentia impulsum bellum intulisset, quid tandem vererentur? Aut cur de sua
virtute aut de ipsius diligentia desperarent?
4 But if Ariovistus
had been driven by madness and folly to make war, what, pray, should they fear?
Why should they despair either of their own courage or of his diligence?
5 Factum eius hostis
periculum patrum nostrorum memoria Cimbris et Teutonis a C. Mario pulsis [cum
non minorem laudem exercitus quam ipse imperator meritus videbatur]; factum
etiam nuper in Italia servili tumultu, quos tamen aliquid usus ac disciplina,
quam a nobis accepissent, sublevarint.
5 The threat of such
an enemy had been tried in the memory of our fathers, when the Cimbri and
Teutones were routed by Gaius Marius [and the army seemed to have earned no
less praise than the general himself]; and it had been tried again recently in
Italy during the Servile War, in which some experience and discipline received
from us had nevertheless aided the enemy.
6 Ex quo iudicari
posse quantum haberet in se boni constantia, propterea quod quos aliquamdiu
inermes sine causa timuissent hos postea armatos ac victores superassent.
6 From this it could
be judged how much strength constancy possessed, since those whom they had
feared for some time while unarmed and without cause, they later defeated even
when armed and victorious.
7 Denique hos esse
eosdem Germanos quibuscum saepe numero Helvetii congressi non solum in suis sed
etiam in illorum finibus plerumque superarint, qui tamen pares esse nostro
exercitui non potuerint.
7 Finally, these were
the same Germans whom the Helvetii had often engaged and generally defeated,
not only in their own territory but in that of the Germans as well—yet they had
not been able to match our army.
8 Si quos adversum
proelium et fuga Gallorum commoveret, hos, si quaererent, reperire posse
diuturnitate belli defatigatis Gallis Ariovistum, cum multos menses castris se
ac paludibus tenuisset neque sui potestatem fecisset, desperantes iam de pugna
et dispersos subito adortum magis ratione et consilio quam virtute
vicisse.
8 If any were
disturbed by the defeat and flight of the Gauls, they could, upon inquiry,
discover that Ariovistus had defeated the Gauls—exhausted by the length of the
war—more by strategy and planning than by valor, having kept himself within
camps and marshes for many months without offering battle, and then suddenly
attacking them when they had given up hope of a fight and were scattered.
9 Cui rationi contra
homines barbaros atque imperitos locus fuisset, hac ne ipsum quidem sperare
nostros exercitus capi posse.
9 A tactic which might
work against barbarous and untrained men, not even he himself hoped could be
used to entrap our armies.
10 Qui suum timorem in
rei frumentariae simulationem angustiasque itineris conferrent, facere
arroganter, cum aut de officio imperatoris desperare aut praescribere
viderentur.
10 Those who cloaked
their fear under a pretended concern for grain supply and the narrowness of the
roads were acting arrogantly, since they appeared either to despair of the
general's responsibility or to dictate it to him.
11 Haec sibi esse
curae; frumentum Sequanos, Leucos, Lingones subministrare, iamque esse in agris
frumenta matura; de itinere ipsos brevi tempore iudicaturos.
11 These matters were
his concern; the Sequani, Leuci, and Lingones were providing grain, and the
harvest in the fields was already ripe; in a short time, they themselves would
pass judgment on the route.
12 Quod non fore dicto
audientes neque signa laturi dicantur, nihil se ea re commoveri: scire enim,
quibuscumque exercitus dicto audiens non fuerit, aut male re gesta fortunam
defuisse aut aliquo facinore comperto avaritiam esse convictam.
12 As for the claim
that they would not obey his orders or carry the standards, he was not at all
disturbed by this: for he knew that whenever an army had not obeyed its
commander, it had either been due to poor generalship or, when some crime was
discovered, due to proven greed.
13 Suam innocentiam
perpetua vita, felicitatem Helvetiorum bello esse perspectam.
13 That his own
integrity had been shown throughout his life, and his good fortune had been
proven in the war with the Helvetii.
14 Itaque se quod in
longiorem diem conlaturus fuisset repraesentaturum et proxima nocte de quarta
vigilia castra moturum, ut quam primum intellegere posset utrum apud eos pudor
atque officium an timor plus valeret.
14 Therefore, he would
immediately carry out what he had intended to postpone to a later day, and
would move camp the next night at the fourth watch, so that he might learn as
soon as possible whether shame and duty or fear held more weight among
them.
15 Quod si praeterea
nemo sequatur, tamen se cum sola decima legione iturum, de qua non dubitet,
sibique eam praetoriam cohortem futuram. Huic legioni Caesar et indulserat
praecipue et propter virtutem confidebat maxime.
15 And if no one else
should follow, he would nevertheless go with the Tenth Legion alone, about
which he had no doubt, and he would consider it his praetorian cohort. Caesar
had especially favored this legion and placed the greatest trust in it on
account of its valor.
[41]
1 Hac oratione habita
mirum in modum conversae sunt omnium mentes summaque alacritas et cupiditas
belli gerendi innata est.
1 With this speech
delivered, everyone's minds were suddenly changed in a remarkable way, and the
greatest eagerness and desire for waging war arose.
2 princepsque X. legio
per tribunos militum ei gratias egit quod de se optimum iudicium fecisset,
seque esse ad bellum gerendum paratissimam confirmavit.
2 And the Tenth
Legion, as leader, through its military tribunes, gave thanks to him for having
formed so favorable an opinion of it, and confirmed that it was most fully
prepared to wage war.
3 Deinde reliquae
legiones cum tribunis militum et primorum ordinum centurionibus egerunt uti
Caesari satis facerent: se neque umquam dubitasse neque timuisse neque de summa
belli suum iudicium sed imperatoris esse existimavisse.
3 Then the remaining
legions, along with their military tribunes and centurions of the first ranks,
came forward to give satisfaction to Caesar: declaring that they had neither
ever doubted nor feared, nor had they considered it their place to judge the
conduct of the war, but rather that of the commander.
4 Eorum satisfactione
accepta et itinere exquisito per Diviciacum, quod ex Gallis ei maximam fidem
habebat, ut milium amplius quinquaginta circuitu locis apertis exercitum
duceret, de quarta vigilia, ut dixerat, profectus est.
4 Their satisfaction
having been accepted, and a route having been reconnoitered through
Diviciacus—whom he trusted most among the Gauls—so that he might lead the army
by a circuit of more than fifty miles through open country, he set out at the
fourth watch, as he had said.
5 Septimo die, cum
iter non intermitteret, ab exploratoribus certior factus est Ariovisti copias a
nostris milia passuum IIII et XX abesse.
5 On the seventh day,
as he did not interrupt the march, he was informed by scouts that Ariovistus’s
forces were twenty-four miles away from our men.
[42]
1 Cognito Caesaris
adventu Ariovistus legatos ad eum mittit: quod antea de conloquio postulasset,
id per se fieri licere, quoniam propius accessisset seque id sine periculo
facere posse existimaret.
1 When Caesar's
arrival was known, Ariovistus sent envoys to him: what he had previously
requested concerning a meeting, he now said could take place, since Caesar had
drawn nearer and he thought he could now do it without danger.
2 Non respuit
condicionem Caesar iamque eum ad sanitatem reverti arbitrabatur, cum id quod
antea petenti denegasset ultro polliceretur,
2 Caesar did not
reject the proposal and now believed that Ariovistus was returning to a
rational state, since he was spontaneously offering what he had previously
refused when asked.
3 magnamque in spem
veniebat pro suis tantis populique Romani in eum beneficiis cognitis suis
postulatis fore uti pertinacia desisteret.
3 He came into great
hope that, given the great favors of himself and the Roman people towards
Ariovistus, the latter, upon learning his demands, would give up his
obstinacy.
4 Dies conloquio
dictus est ex eo die quintus.
4 The fifth day from
that time was set for the parley.
5 Interim saepe cum
legati ultro citroque inter eos mitterentur, Ariovistus postulavit ne quem
peditem ad conloquium Caesar adduceret: vereri se ne per insidias ab eo
circumveniretur; uterque cum equitatu veniret: alia ratione sese non esse
venturum.
5 Meanwhile, while
envoys were often exchanged between them, Ariovistus demanded that Caesar not
bring any infantry to the meeting: he said he feared being surrounded by
ambush; each should come with cavalry—he would not come otherwise.
6 Caesar, quod neque
conloquium interposita causa tolli volebat neque salutem suam Gallorum
equitatui committere audebat, commodissimum esse statuit omnibus equis Gallis
equitibus detractis eo legionarios milites legionis X., cui quam maxime
confidebat, imponere, ut praesidium quam amicissimum, si quid opus facto esset,
haberet.
6 Caesar, because he
neither wished the meeting to be canceled under a pretext nor dared to entrust
his safety to the Gallic cavalry, decided it would be best to remove the horses
from the Gallic cavalry and mount on them legionary soldiers of the Tenth
Legion, in which he had the greatest confidence, so that he might have the most
loyal guard possible if action was needed.
7 Quod cum fieret, non
inridicule quidam ex militibus X. legionis dixit: plus quam pollicitus esset
Caesarem facere; pollicitum se in cohortis praetoriae loco X. legionem
habiturum ad equum rescribere.
7 When this was done,
one of the soldiers of the Tenth Legion, not without wit, said that Caesar was
doing more than he had promised: he had promised to consider the Tenth Legion
as his praetorian cohort, and now he was “remounting” them as cavalry.
[43]
1 Planities erat magna
et in ea tumulus terrenus satis grandis. Hic locus aequum fere spatium a
castris Ariovisti et Caesaris aberat. Eo, ut erat dictum, ad conloquium
venerunt.
1 There was a broad
plain, and in it a large natural mound. This spot lay about equally distant
from the camps of Ariovistus and Caesar. To this place, as agreed, they came
for the meeting.
2 Legionem Caesar,
quam equis devexerat, passibus CC ab eo tumulo constituit. Item equites
Ariovisti pari intervallo constiterunt.
2 Caesar stationed the
legion he had brought on horseback two hundred paces from the mound. Likewise,
Ariovistus’s cavalry took position at the same distance.
3 Ariovistus ex equis
ut conloquerentur et praeter se denos ad conloquium adducerent postulavit.
3 Ariovistus requested
that they speak on horseback and that each side bring ten men besides
themselves to the meeting.
4 Ubi eo ventum est,
Caesar initio orationis sua senatusque in eum beneficia commemoravit, quod rex
appellatus esset a senatu, quod amicus, quod munera amplissime missa; quam rem
et paucis contigisse et pro magnis hominum officiis consuesse tribui
docebat;
4 When they arrived,
Caesar began his speech by recalling his and the Senate’s favors toward
Ariovistus: that he had been called king by the Senate, that he had been called
friend, and that lavish gifts had been sent; he explained that this had
happened to few, and was usually granted in recognition of great services.
5 illum, cum neque
aditum neque causam postulandi iustam haberet, beneficio ac liberalitate sua ac
senatus ea praemia consecutum.
5 That Ariovistus,
though he had had neither access nor just grounds for requesting such honors,
had obtained those rewards through Caesar’s and the Senate’s generosity.
6 Docebat etiam quam
veteres quamque iustae causae necessitudinis ipsis cum Haeduis
intercederent,
6 He also explained
how ancient and just were the grounds of alliance between them and the
Haedui,
7 quae senatus
consulta quotiens quamque honorifica in eos facta essent, ut omni tempore
totius Galliae principatum Haedui tenuissent, prius etiam quam nostram
amicitiam adpetissent.
7 how frequent and
honorable the senatorial decrees made in their favor had been, and that the
Haedui had always held the leadership of all Gaul, even before they had sought
the friendship of Rome.
8 Populi Romani hanc
esse consuetudinem, ut socios atque amicos non modo sui nihil deperdere, sed
gratia, dignitate, honore auctiores velit esse; quod vero ad amicitiam populi
Romani attulissent, id iis eripi quis pati posset?
8 That it was the
custom of the Roman people that allies and friends should not only suffer no
loss through them, but should be increased in influence, dignity, and honor;
and who could bear that what they had brought into their friendship with Rome
should be taken from them?
9 Postulavit deinde
eadem quae legatis in mandatis dederat: ne aut Haeduis aut eorum sociis bellum
inferret, obsides redderet, si nullam partem Germanorum domum remittere posset,
at ne quos amplius Rhenum transire pateretur.
9 Then he demanded the
same things he had instructed his envoys to request: that Ariovistus should not
make war on the Haedui or their allies, that he should return the hostages, and
if he could not send any portion of the Germans back home, at least he should
not allow any more to cross the Rhine.
