C. IVLI CAESARIS COMMENTARIORVM DE BELLO GALLICO LIBER PRIMVS

[1] 

1 Gallia est omnis divisa in partes tres, quarum unam incolunt Belgae, aliam Aquitani, tertiam qui ipsorum lingua Celtae, nostra Galli appellantur. 

1 All Gaul is divided into three parts, one of which the Belgae inhabit, another the Aquitani, the third those who in their own language are called Celts, in ours Gauls. 

2 Hi omnes lingua, institutis, legibus inter se differunt. Gallos ab Aquitanis Garumna flumen, a Belgis Matrona et Sequana dividit. 

2 All these differ among themselves in language, customs, and laws. The Garonne river separates the Gauls from the Aquitani, the Marne and Seine separate them from the Belgae. 

3 Horum omnium fortissimi sunt Belgae, propterea quod a cultu atque humanitate provinciae longissime absunt, minimeque ad eos mercatores saepe commeant atque ea quae ad effeminandos animos pertinent important. 

3 Of all these, the bravest are the Belgae, because they are the farthest removed from the culture and refinement of the Province, and merchants least frequently visit them and import those things which tend to weaken courage. 

4 Proximique sunt Germanis, qui trans Rhenum incolunt, quibuscum continenter bellum gerunt. Qua de causa Helvetii quoque reliquos Gallos virtute praecedunt, quod fere cotidianis proeliis cum Germanis contendunt, cum aut suis finibus eos prohibent aut ipsi in eorum finibus bellum gerunt. 

4 And they are nearest to the Germans, who live across the Rhine, with whom they are continually at war. For this reason the Helvetii also surpass the rest of the Gauls in valor, because they contend with the Germans in almost daily battles, either by keeping them out of their own territory or by themselves waging war in the Germans’ territory. 

5 Eorum una pars, quam Gallos obtinere dictum est, initium capit a flumine Rhodano, continetur Garumna flumine, Oceano, finibus Belgarum, attingit etiam ab Sequanis et Helvetiis flumen Rhenum, vergit ad septentriones. 

5 One part of these, which the Gauls are said to possess, begins at the Rhone river, is bounded by the Garonne river, the Ocean, and the territory of the Belgae; it also touches the Rhine from the side of the Sequani and the Helvetii, and it faces northward. 

6 Belgae ab extremis Galliae finibus oriuntur, pertinent ad inferiorem partem fluminis Rheni, spectant in septentrionem et orientem solem. 

6 The Belgae arise from the farthest borders of Gaul; they extend to the lower part of the Rhine river and face the north and the rising sun. 

7 Aquitania a Garumna flumine ad Pyrenaeos montes et eam partem Oceani quae est ad Hispaniam pertinet; spectat inter occasum solis et septentriones. 

7 Aquitania extends from the Garonne river to the Pyrenees mountains and to that part of the Ocean which is near Spain; it faces between the setting sun and the north. 

[2] 

1 Apud Helvetios longe nobilissimus fuit et ditissimus Orgetorix. Is M. Messala, [et P.] M. Pisone consulibus regni cupiditate inductus coniurationem nobilitatis fecit et civitati persuasit ut de finibus suis cum omnibus copiis exirent: 

1 Among the Helvetii, Orgetorix was by far the most noble and wealthiest. In the consulship of Marcus Messala and Marcus Piso, induced by a desire for kingship, he formed a conspiracy of the nobility and persuaded the state to go forth from their territories with all their forces: 

2 perfacile esse, cum virtute omnibus praestarent, totius Galliae imperio potiri. 

2 that it would be very easy, since they surpassed all in courage, to gain possession of the command of all Gaul. 

3 Id hoc facilius iis persuasit, quod undique loci natura Helvetii continentur: una ex parte flumine Rheno latissimo atque altissimo, qui agrum Helvetium a Germanis dividit; altera ex parte monte Iura altissimo, qui est inter Sequanos et Helvetios; tertia lacu Lemanno et flumine Rhodano, qui provinciam nostram ab Helvetiis dividit. 

3 He persuaded them of this the more easily because on all sides the Helvetii are confined by the nature of the terrain: on one side by the very broad and very deep Rhine, which separates the Helvetian land from the Germans; on another side by the very high Jura mountain, which is between the Sequani and the Helvetii; on a third side by Lake Geneva and the Rhone, which separates our province from the Helvetii. 

4 His rebus fiebat ut et minus late vagarentur et minus facile finitimis bellum inferre possent; 

4 From these factors it came about that they both wandered less widely and could less easily make war on their neighbors; 

5 qua ex parte homines bellandi cupidi magno dolore adficiebantur. 

5 for this reason, men eager for war were deeply distressed. 

6 Pro multitudine autem hominum et pro gloria belli atque fortitudinis angustos se fines habere arbitrabantur, qui in longitudinem milia passuum CCXL, in latitudinem CLXXX patebant. 

6 Moreover, considering the number of people and their glory in war and courage, they thought their territory too narrow, which extended 240 miles in length and 180 in width. 

[3] 

1 His rebus adducti et auctoritate Orgetorigis permoti constituerunt ea quae ad proficiscendum pertinerent comparare, iumentorum et carrorum quam maximum numerum coemere, sementes quam maximas facere, ut in itinere copia frumenti suppeteret, cum proximis civitatibus pacem et amicitiam confirmare. 

1 Induced by these circumstances and moved by the influence of Orgetorix, they decided to prepare those things which pertained to their departure: to buy up as great a number as possible of beasts of burden and carts, to sow as much grain as possible so that a supply of food might be available on the journey, and to strengthen peace and friendship with the neighboring states. 

2 Ad eas res conficiendas biennium sibi satis esse duxerunt; in tertium annum profectionem lege confirmant. 

2 For accomplishing these things, they judged two years to be enough for themselves; they fix their departure for the third year by law. 

3 Ad eas res conficiendas Orgetorix deligitur. Is sibi legationem ad civitates suscipit. In eo itinere persuadet Castico, Catamantaloedis filio, Sequano, cuius pater regnum in Sequanis multos annos obtinuerat et a senatu populi Romani amicus appellatus erat, ut regnum in civitate sua occuparet, quod pater ante habuerat; 

3 Orgetorix is chosen to accomplish these tasks. He undertakes an embassy to the states on his own behalf. On this journey he persuades Casticus, son of Catamantaloedes, a Sequanian—whose father had held royal power among the Sequani for many years and had been called a friend by the Senate of the Roman people—to seize kingship in his own state, which his father had held before; 

4 itemque Dumnorigi Haeduo, fratri Diviciaci, qui eo tempore principatum in civitate obtinebat ac maxime plebi acceptus erat, ut idem conaretur persuadet eique filiam suam in matrimonium dat. 

4 and likewise he persuades Dumnorix the Haeduan, brother of Diviciacus, who at that time held the chief authority in the state and was most favored by the common people, to attempt the same, and he gives him his daughter in marriage. 

5 Perfacile factu esse illis probat conata perficere, propterea quod ipse suae civitatis imperium obtenturus esset: 

5 He proves to them that it is very easy to carry out their plans, because he himself was about to gain the supreme power in his own state: 

6 non esse dubium quin totius Galliae plurimum Helvetii possent; se suis copiis suoque exercitu illis regna conciliaturum confirmat. 

6 that there was no doubt that the Helvetii were the most powerful in all Gaul; he affirms that he will secure kingdoms for them with his own forces and army. 

7 Hac oratione adducti inter se fidem et ius iurandum dant et regno occupato per tres potentissimos ac firmissimos populos totius Galliae sese potiri posse sperant. 

7 Influenced by this speech, they give each other a pledge and an oath, and having seized sovereignty, they hope to be able to gain control of all Gaul through the three most powerful and steadfast peoples. 

 [4] 

1 Ea res est Helvetiis per indicium enuntiata. Moribus suis Orgetoricem ex vinculis causam dicere coegerunt; damnatum poenam sequi oportebat, ut igni cremaretur. 

1 This matter was disclosed to the Helvetii by means of an informer. According to their custom, they forced Orgetorix to plead his case while in chains; if condemned, the punishment required that he be burned by fire. 

2 Die constituta causae dictionis Orgetorix ad iudicium omnem suam familiam, ad hominum milia decem, undique coegit, et omnes clientes obaeratosque suos, quorum magnum numerum habebat, eodem conduxit; per eos ne causam diceret se eripuit. 

2 On the appointed day for the trial, Orgetorix gathered from all sides to the court his entire household—about ten thousand people—and brought together all his clients and debtors, of whom he had a great number; through them he escaped from pleading his case. 

3 Cum civitas ob eam rem incitata armis ius suum exsequi conaretur multitudinemque hominum ex agris magistratus cogerent, Orgetorix mortuus est; 

3 When the state, incensed by this affair, attempted to enforce its right by arms and the magistrates were gathering a multitude of men from the fields, Orgetorix died; 

4 neque abest suspicio, ut Helvetii arbitrantur, quin ipse sibi mortem consciverit. 

4 nor is suspicion lacking—as the Helvetii think—that he took his own life. 

[5] 

1 Post eius mortem nihilo minus Helvetii id quod constituerant facere conantur, ut e finibus suis exeant. 

1 After his death, nonetheless, the Helvetii attempt to do what they had decided, namely, to depart from their territories. 

2 Ubi iam se ad eam rem paratos esse arbitrati sunt, oppida sua omnia, numero ad duodecim, vicos ad quadringentos, reliqua privata aedificia incendunt; 

2 When they thought themselves prepared for this undertaking, they burned all their towns, about twelve in number, their villages, about four hundred, and the remaining private buildings; 

3 frumentum omne, praeter quod secum portaturi erant, comburunt, ut domum reditionis spe sublata paratiores ad omnia pericula subeunda essent; trium mensum molita cibaria sibi quemque domo efferre iubent. Persuadent Rauracis et Tulingis et Latobrigis finitimis, uti eodem usi consilio oppidis suis vicisque exustis una cum iis proficiscantur, Boiosque, qui trans Rhenum incoluerant et in agrum Noricum transierant Noreiamque oppugnabant, receptos ad se socios sibi adsciscunt. 

3 They burn all their grain, except what they intended to carry with them, so that, with the hope of returning home removed, they might be more prepared to undergo every danger; they order each man to carry from home ground grain for three months. They persuade the neighboring Rauraci, Tulingi, and Latobrigi to adopt the same plan—having burned their own towns and villages—and to set out with them, and they admit to themselves as allies the Boii, who had lived across the Rhine and had crossed into the Noric territory and were assaulting Noreia. 

 [6] 

1 Erant omnino itinera duo, quibus itineribus domo exire possent: unum per Sequanos, angustum et difficile, inter montem Iuram et flumen Rhodanum, vix qua singuli carri ducerentur, mons autem altissimus impendebat, ut facile perpauci prohibere possent; 

1 There were in all two routes by which they could leave home: one through the Sequani, narrow and difficult, between Mount Jura and the Rhone river, where scarcely individual carts could be led, and a very high mountain overhung, so that very few could easily block them; 

2 alterum per provinciam nostram, multo facilius atque expeditius, propterea quod inter fines Helvetiorum et Allobrogum, qui nuper pacati erant, Rhodanus fluit isque non nullis locis vado transitur. 

2 the other through our province, much easier and more open, because the Rhone flows between the territories of the Helvetii and the Allobroges, who had recently been pacified, and in several places it is crossed by a ford. 

3 Extremum oppidum Allobrogum est proximumque Helvetiorum finibus Genava. Ex eo oppido pons ad Helvetios pertinet. Allobrogibus sese vel persuasuros, quod nondum bono animo in populum Romanum viderentur, existimabant vel vi coacturos ut per suos fines eos ire paterentur. Omnibus rebus ad profectionem comparatis diem dicunt, qua die ad ripam Rhodani omnes conveniant. Is dies erat a. d. V. Kal. Apr. L. Pisone, A. Gabinio consulibus. 

3 The farthest town of the Allobroges, and closest to the borders of the Helvetii, is Genava. From that town a bridge extends to the Helvetii. They thought they would either persuade the Allobroges—since they did not yet seem to be well-disposed toward the Roman people—or compel them by force to allow passage through their territory. With all things prepared for departure, they appoint a day on which all should assemble on the bank of the Rhone. This day was the fifth before the Kalends of April, in the consulship of Lucius Piso and Aulus Gabinius. 

[7] 

1 Caesari cum id nuntiatum esset, eos per provinciam nostram iter facere conari, maturat ab urbe proficisci et quam maximis potest itineribus in Galliam ulteriorem contendit et ad Genavam pervenit. 

1 When this was reported to Caesar, that they were attempting to make a journey through our province, he hastened to set out from the city and, by the greatest marches possible, proceeded into Further Gaul and arrived at Genava. 

2 Provinciae toti quam maximum potest militum numerum imperat (erat omnino in Gallia ulteriore legio una), pontem, qui erat ad Genavam, iubet rescindi. 

2 He levied from the whole province as great a number of soldiers as he could (there was in all only one legion in Further Gaul), and he ordered the bridge which was at Genava to be broken down. 

3 Ubi de eius adventu Helvetii certiores facti sunt, legatos ad eum mittunt nobilissimos civitatis, cuius legationis Nammeius et Verucloetius principem locum obtinebant, qui dicerent sibi esse in animo sine ullo maleficio iter per provinciam facere, propterea quod aliud iter haberent nullum: rogare ut eius voluntate id sibi facere liceat. Caesar, quod memoria tenebat L. Cassium consulem occisum exercitumque eius ab Helvetiis pulsum et sub iugum missum, concedendum non putabat; 

3 When the Helvetii were informed of his arrival, they sent as envoys to him the most noble men of their state, of whom Nammeius and Verucloetius held the chief rank in that embassy, to declare that it was their intention to make a journey through the province without harm, since they had no other route: they requested that it be allowed by his will. Caesar, remembering that the consul Lucius Cassius had been killed and his army routed and sent under the yoke by the Helvetii, did not think it ought to be granted; 

4 neque homines inimico animo, data facultate per provinciam itineris faciundi, temperaturos ab iniuria et maleficio existimabat. 

4 nor did he believe that men of hostile disposition, if given the opportunity to travel through the province, would refrain from violence and injury. 

5 Tamen, ut spatium intercedere posset dum milites quos imperaverat convenirent, legatis respondit diem se ad deliberandum sumpturum: si quid vellent, ad Id. April. reverterentur. 

5 Nevertheless, in order that an interval might pass until the troops he had levied assembled, he replied to the envoys that he would take time to deliberate: if they wanted anything, they should return on the Ides of April. 

 [8] 

1 Interea ea legione quam secum habebat militibusque, qui ex provincia convenerant, a lacu Lemanno, qui in flumen Rhodanum influit, ad montem Iuram, qui fines Sequanorum ab Helvetiis dividit, milia passuum XVIIII murum in altitudinem pedum sedecim fossamque perducit. 

1 Meanwhile, with the legion he had with him and the soldiers who had gathered from the province, he constructed a wall sixteen feet high and a ditch for nineteen miles, from Lake Geneva, which flows into the Rhone, to Mount Jura, which separates the territories of the Sequani and the Helvetii. 

2 Eo opere perfecto praesidia disponit, castella communit, quo facilius, si se invito transire conentur, prohibere possit. 

2 With that work completed, he stationed garrisons and fortified redoubts, so that he could more easily prevent them, if they attempted to cross against his will. 

3 Ubi ea dies quam constituerat cum legatis venit et legati ad eum reverterunt, negat se more et exemplo populi Romani posse iter ulli per provinciam dare et, si vim facere conentur, prohibiturum ostendit. 

3 When the day which he had appointed with the envoys came and the envoys returned, he declared that, by the custom and precedent of the Roman people, he could grant passage through the province to no one, and that, if they attempted to force it, he would stop them. 

4 Helvetii ea spe deiecti navibus iunctis ratibusque compluribus factis, alii vadis Rhodani, qua minima altitudo fluminis erat, non numquam interdiu, saepius noctu, si perrumpere possent conati, operis munitione et militum concursu et telis repulsi, hoc conatu destiterunt. 

4 The Helvetii, disappointed in this hope, joined boats together and built several rafts; others attempted to cross the fords of the Rhone where the river was shallowest—sometimes by day, more often by night—if they might break through; but they were repulsed by the fortification, the charge of the soldiers, and missiles, and they gave up the attempt. 

[9] 

1 Relinquebatur una per Sequanos via, qua Sequanis invitis propter angustias ire non poterant. 

1 There remained only one route, through the Sequani, by which they could not travel without the Sequani’s consent, because of the narrowness of the pass. 

2 His cum sua sponte persuadere non possent, legatos ad Dumnorigem Haeduum mittunt, ut eo deprecatore a Sequanis impetrarent. 

2 Since they could not persuade them on their own, they sent envoys to Dumnorix the Haeduan, in order that through his intercession they might obtain permission from the Sequani. 

3 Dumnorix gratia et largitione apud Sequanos plurimum poterat et Helvetiis erat amicus, quod ex ea civitate Orgetorigis filiam in matrimonium duxerat, et cupiditate regni adductus novis rebus studebat et quam plurimas civitates suo beneficio habere obstrictas volebat. 

3 Dumnorix had great influence among the Sequani through favor and generosity, and he was friendly with the Helvetii because he had taken Orgetorix’s daughter in marriage from that state; and, driven by desire for royal power, he was eager for change and wanted as many states as possible to be bound to him by his influence. 

4 Itaque rem suscipit et a Sequanis impetrat ut per fines suos Helvetios ire patiantur, obsidesque uti inter sese dent perficit: Sequani, ne itinere Helvetios prohibeant, Helvetii, ut sine maleficio et iniuria transeant. 

4 Therefore he undertook the matter and obtained from the Sequani that they should allow the Helvetii to pass through their territory, and he arranged that they should exchange hostages with each other: the Sequani, to guarantee they would not obstruct the Helvetii’s march, and the Helvetii, to guarantee they would pass through without wrongdoing or harm. 

 [10] 

1 Caesari renuntiatur Helvetiis esse in animo per agrum Sequanorum et Haeduorum iter in Santonum fines facere, qui non longe a Tolosatium finibus absunt, quae civitas est in provincia. 

1 It was reported to Caesar that the Helvetii intended to make a journey through the territories of the Sequani and Haedui into the lands of the Santones, who are not far from the borders of the Tolosates, which tribe is in the Province. 

2 Id si fieret, intellegebat magno cum periculo provinciae futurum ut homines bellicosos, populi Romani inimicos, locis patentibus maximeque frumentariis finitimos haberet. 

2 If this were to happen, he realized that it would pose great danger to the Province to have warlike men, enemies of the Roman people, as neighbors in open and especially grain-rich areas. 

3 Ob eas causas ei munitioni quam fecerat T. Labienum legatum praeficit; ipse in Italiam magnis itineribus contendit duasque ibi legiones conscribit et tres, quae circum Aquileiam hiemabant, ex hibernis educit et, qua proximum iter in ulteriorem Galliam per Alpes erat, cum his quinque legionibus ire contendit. 

3 For these reasons, he placed Titus Labienus, his legate, in command of the fortification he had constructed; he himself hurried to Italy by forced marches and there enlisted two legions, and led out three which had been wintering near Aquileia from their quarters, and with these five legions hastened to proceed by the nearest route into Further Gaul through the Alps. 

4 Ibi Ceutrones et Graioceli et Caturiges locis superioribus occupatis itinere exercitum prohibere conantur. Compluribus his proeliis pulsis ab Ocelo, quod est oppidum citerioris provinciae extremum, in fines Vocontiorum ulterioris provinciae die septimo pervenit; inde in Allobrogum fines, ab Allobrogibus in Segusiavos exercitum ducit. Hi sunt extra provinciam trans Rhodanum primi. 

4 There the Ceutrones, Graioceli, and Caturiges, having occupied the higher ground, tried to block the army’s passage. After defeating them in several battles, he reached the borders of the Vocontii in the Further Province on the seventh day from Ocelum, which is the last town of the Nearer Province; from there he led his army into the territory of the Allobroges, and from the Allobroges into that of the Segusiavi. These are the first beyond the Province across the Rhone. 

[11] 

1 Helvetii iam per angustias et fines Sequanorum suas copias traduxerant et in Haeduorum fines pervenerant eorumque agros populabantur. 

1 The Helvetii had already led their forces through the narrow passes and territory of the Sequani and had arrived in the lands of the Haedui, and were ravaging their fields. 

2 Haedui, cum se suaque ab iis defendere non possent, legatos ad Caesarem mittunt rogatum auxilium: 

2 The Haedui, since they could not defend themselves and their possessions from them, sent envoys to Caesar to request assistance: 

3 ita se omni tempore de populo Romano meritos esse ut paene in conspectu exercitus nostri agri vastari, liberi in servitutem abduci, oppida expugnari non debuerint. Eodem tempore Ambarri, necessarii et consanguinei Haeduorum, Caesarem certiorem faciunt sese depopulatis agris non facile ab oppidis vim hostium prohibere. 

3 that they had at all times so well deserved of the Roman people that their fields ought not to be ravaged, their children led away into slavery, and their towns stormed almost in sight of our army. At the same time, the Ambarri, allies and kinsmen of the Haedui, inform Caesar that, their fields having been laid waste, they could not easily keep the enemy from their towns. 

4 Item Allobroges, qui trans Rhodanum vicos possessionesque habebant, fuga se ad Caesarem recipiunt et demonstrant sibi praeter agri solum nihil esse reliqui. 

4 Likewise the Allobroges, who had villages and possessions across the Rhone, fled to Caesar and declared that nothing remained to them except the soil of their land. 

5 Quibus rebus adductus Caesar non expectandum sibi statuit dum, omnibus fortunis sociorum consumptis, in Santonos Helvetii pervenirent. 

5 Influenced by these circumstances, Caesar decided that he ought not to wait until, with all the resources of the allies consumed, the Helvetii should reach the territory of the Santones. 

🔰 Endorsed by a Leading Latinist

Hoc volumen in manus sumite, O lectores! Hoc volumen evolvite! Etenim inibi continetur pars altera mythistoriae luculente scriptae, quae Gens et gloria est nuncupata. In huius opusculi lectione quasi defixi quoddam iter facere videbimini non solum Latine loquentes, sed etiam cum ipsis Romanibus veteribus colloquentes! Quo iter facietis? Romamne? Minime gentium! Ibitis in Mauretaniam Tingitanam, ubi cum leonibus et legionibus versabimini, in mapalibus et tuguriis, in oppidis et urbibus res mirabiles videbitis. Non Romae, non in Italia, sed in ipso dicionis Romanae limite discetis 'ibi Romanum imperium esse, ubicumque Romana lingua dominetur'!

🟢 Professor Terence Tunberg, University of Kentucky

[12] 

1 Flumen est Arar, quod per fines Haeduorum et Sequanorum in Rhodanum influit, incredibili lenitate, ita ut oculis in utram partem fluat iudicari non possit. Id Helvetii ratibus ac lintribus iunctis transibant. 

1 There is a river, the Arar, which flows through the territory of the Haedui and the Sequani into the Rhone, with such incredible slowness that it cannot be determined by the eye in which direction it flows. The Helvetii were crossing it by means of rafts and boats joined together. 

2 Ubi per exploratores Caesar certior factus est tres iam partes copiarum Helvetios id flumen traduxisse, quartam vero partem citra flumen Ararim reliquam esse, de tertia vigilia cum legionibus tribus e castris profectus ad eam partem pervenit quae nondum flumen transierat. 

2 When Caesar was informed by scouts that three parts of the Helvetian forces had already crossed the river, but that a fourth part remained on this side of the Arar, he set out from camp in the third watch with three legions and reached that portion which had not yet crossed. 

3 Eos impeditos et inopinantes adgressus magnam partem eorum concidit; reliqui sese fugae mandarunt atque in proximas silvas abdiderunt. 

3 Attacking them while they were encumbered and off guard, he cut down a great part of them; the rest fled and hid in the nearest woods. 

4 Is pagus appellabatur Tigurinus; nam omnis civitas Helvetia in quattuor pagos divisa est. 

4 This division was called the Tigurine; for the whole Helvetian state is divided into four divisions. 

5 Hic pagus unus, cum domo exisset, patrum nostrorum memoria L. Cassium consulem interfecerat et eius exercitum sub iugum miserat. 

5 This one division, when it had gone forth from home, had in the memory of our fathers slain the consul Lucius Cassius and sent his army under the yoke. 

6 Ita sive casu sive consilio deorum immortalium quae pars civitatis Helvetiae insignem calamitatem populo Romano intulerat, ea princeps poenam persolvit. 

6 Thus, whether by chance or by the design of the immortal gods, that part of the Helvetian state which had brought a notable disaster upon the Roman people was the first to pay the penalty. 

7 Qua in re Caesar non solum publicas, sed etiam privatas iniurias ultus est, quod eius soceri L. Pisonis avum, L. Pisonem legatum, Tigurini eodem proelio quo Cassium interfecerant. 

7 In this matter, Caesar avenged not only public but also personal injuries, since the Tigurini had slain Lucius Piso, the legate and grandfather of his father-in-law Lucius Piso, in the same battle in which they had killed Cassius. 

[13] 

1 Hoc proelio facto, reliquas copias Helvetiorum ut consequi posset, pontem in Arari faciendum curat atque ita exercitum traducit. 

1 This battle having taken place, in order that he might be able to pursue the remaining forces of the Helvetii, he arranged for a bridge to be built over the Arar and thus led his army across. 

2 Helvetii repentino eius adventu commoti cum id quod ipsi diebus XX aegerrime confecerant, ut flumen transirent, illum uno die fecisse intellegerent, legatos ad eum mittunt; cuius legationis Divico princeps fuit, qui bello Cassiano dux Helvetiorum fuerat. 

2 The Helvetii, disturbed by his sudden arrival, when they realized that he had done in one day what they themselves had accomplished with great difficulty in twenty days—namely, crossing the river—sent envoys to him; of this embassy, Divico was chief, who had been leader of the Helvetii in the Cassian War. 

3 Is ita cum Caesare egit: si pacem populus Romanus cum Helvetiis faceret, in eam partem ituros atque ibi futuros Helvetios ubi eos Caesar constituisset atque esse voluisset; 

3 He spoke thus with Caesar: if the Roman people would make peace with the Helvetii, they would go to that part and remain there where Caesar had determined and wished them to be; 

4 sin bello persequi perseveraret, reminisceretur et veteris incommodi populi Romani et pristinae virtutis Helvetiorum. Quod improviso unum pagum adortus esset, cum ii qui flumen transissent suis auxilium ferre non possent, ne ob eam rem aut suae magnopere virtuti tribueret aut ipsos despiceret. Se ita a patribus maioribusque suis didicisse, ut magis virtute contenderent quam dolo aut insidiis niterentur. 

4 but if he persisted in pursuing war, he should remember both the former disaster of the Roman people and the ancient bravery of the Helvetii. That he had attacked one district unawares, when those who had crossed the river could not bring help to their own, should not lead him either to ascribe too much to his own valor or to despise them. They had learned from their fathers and ancestors to fight more by courage than to rely on deceit or ambush. 

5 Quare ne committeret ut is locus ubi constitissent ex calamitate populi Romani et internecione exercitus nomen caperet aut memoriam proderet. 

5 Therefore, he should not allow the place where they had made their stand to acquire a name or preserve a memory from the disaster of the Roman people and the destruction of an army. 

 [14] 

1 His Caesar ita respondit: eo sibi minus dubitationis dari, quod eas res quas legati Helvetii commemorassent memoria teneret, atque eo gravius ferre quo minus merito populi Romani accidissent; 

1 To these words Caesar replied as follows: that he had less hesitation because he remembered the matters the Helvetian envoys had mentioned, and that he took them the more seriously because they had happened less deservedly to the Roman people; 

2 qui si alicuius iniuriae sibi conscius fuisset, non fuisse difficile cavere; sed eo deceptum, quod neque commissum a se intellegeret quare timeret neque sine causa timendum putaret. 

2 if the Roman people had been conscious of any injury, it would not have been difficult to take precautions; but they had been deceived in that they saw no offense committed by themselves which gave reason for fear, nor did they think there was cause to fear without reason. 

3 Quod si veteris contumeliae oblivisci vellet, num etiam recentium iniuriarum, quod eo invito iter per provinciam per vim temptassent, quod Haeduos, quod Ambarros, quod Allobrogas vexassent, memoriam deponere posse? 

3 And even if he wished to forget the old outrage, could he also forget the recent injuries—that they had attempted to pass through the province by force against his will, that they had harassed the Haedui, the Ambarri, and the Allobroges? 

4 Quod sua victoria tam insolenter gloriarentur quodque tam diu se impune iniurias tulisse admirarentur, eodem pertinere. 

4 That they so insolently boasted of their victory and marveled that they had long committed outrages with impunity amounted to the same thing. 

5 Consuesse enim deos immortales, quo gravius homines ex commutatione rerum doleant, quos pro scelere eorum ulcisci velint, his secundiores interdum res et diuturniorem impunitatem concedere. 

5 For the immortal gods were accustomed, in order that men might suffer more deeply from a change in fortune, to grant those whom they wished to punish for their crimes more prosperous circumstances and longer-lasting impunity. 

6 Cum ea ita sint, tamen, si obsides ab iis sibi dentur, uti ea quae polliceantur facturos intellegat, et si Haeduis de iniuriis quas ipsis sociisque eorum intulerint, item si Allobrogibus satisfaciant, sese cum iis pacem esse facturum. 

6 Since these things are so, yet if hostages should be given to him by them, so that he might know they would fulfill what they promised, and if they made satisfaction to the Haedui for the injuries inflicted on them and their allies, and likewise to the Allobroges, he would make peace with them. 

7 Divico respondit: ita Helvetios a maioribus suis institutos esse uti obsides accipere, non dare, consuerint; eius rei populum Romanum esse testem. Hoc responso dato discessit. 

7 Divico replied that the Helvetii had been taught by their ancestors to be accustomed to receive, not to give, hostages; and that the Roman people were witness to this fact. Having given this reply, he departed. 

 [15] 

1 Postero die castra ex eo loco movent. Idem facit Caesar equitatumque omnem, ad numerum quattuor milium, quem ex omni provincia et Haeduis atque eorum sociis coactum habebat, praemittit, qui videant quas in partes hostes iter faciant. Qui cupidius novissimum agmen insecuti alieno loco cum equitatu Helvetiorum proelium committunt; et pauci de nostris cadunt. 

1 The next day, they moved camp from that place. Caesar did the same and sent ahead all his cavalry, to the number of four thousand, which he had assembled from the entire province and from the Haedui and their allies, to see in what direction the enemy were marching. These, having too eagerly pursued the enemy's rear, engaged in battle with the Helvetian cavalry in an unfavorable place; and a few of our men fell. 

2 Quo proelio sublati Helvetii, quod quingentis equitibus tantam multitudinem equitum propulerant, audacius subsistere non numquam et novissimo agmine proelio nostros lacessere coeperunt. Caesar suos a proelio continebat, ac satis habebat in praesentia hostem rapinis, pabulationibus populationibusque prohibere. 

2 Encouraged by this battle, because with only five hundred horsemen they had repelled so large a body of cavalry, the Helvetii began now and then to halt more boldly and to challenge our men to battle with their rearguard. Caesar kept his troops from fighting and considered it enough for the time being to prevent the enemy from raiding, foraging, and pillaging. 

3 Ita dies circiter XV iter fecerunt uti inter novissimum hostium agmen et nostrum primum non amplius quinis aut senis milibus passuum interesset. 

3 In this way they marched for about fifteen days, so that there was no more than five or six miles between the enemy’s rear and our vanguard. 

 [16] 

1 Interim cotidie Caesar Haeduos frumentum, quod essent publice polliciti, flagitare. 

1 Meanwhile, Caesar daily demanded grain from the Haedui, which they had publicly promised. 

2 Nam propter frigora non modo frumenta in agris matura non erant, sed ne pabuli quidem satis magna copia suppetebat; 

2 For on account of the cold weather—not only were the crops in the fields not ripe, but there was also not a sufficient supply of fodder available; 

3 eo autem frumento quod flumine Arari navibus subvexerat propterea uti minus poterat quod iter ab Arari Helvetii averterant, a quibus discedere nolebat. 

3 moreover, he could make less use of the grain which he had brought by boats up the Arar river because the Helvetii had turned off from the Arar, and he did not wish to separate from them. 

4 Diem ex die ducere Haedui: conferri, comportari, adesse dicere. 

4 The Haedui kept putting him off day by day, saying it was being collected, being transported, was on its way. 

5 Ubi se diutius duci intellexit et diem instare quo die frumentum militibus metiri oporteret, convocatis eorum principibus, quorum magnam copiam in castris habebat, in his Diviciaco et Lisco, qui summo magistratui praeerat, quem vergobretum appellant Haedui, qui creatur annuus et vitae necisque in suos habet potestatem, graviter eos accusat, 

5 When he realized that he was being put off too long and that the day was approaching on which the grain had to be distributed to the soldiers, he called together their leaders—of whom he had a large number in camp—including Diviciacus and Liscus, who held the highest magistracy among the Haedui (whom they call vergobret, elected yearly, with the power of life and death over his people)—and he strongly accused them, 

6 quod, cum neque emi neque ex agris sumi possit, tam necessario tempore, tam propinquis hostibus ab iis non sublevetur, praesertim cum magna ex parte eorum precibus adductus bellum susceperit. 

6 because, when it could neither be purchased nor taken from the fields, at so critical a time, with the enemy so close, he was not being supported by them—especially since he had undertaken the war largely due to their entreaties. 

[17] 

1 Tum demum Liscus oratione Caesaris adductus quod antea tacuerat proponit: esse non nullos, quorum auctoritas apud plebem plurimum valeat, qui privatim plus possint quam ipsi magistratus. 

1 Then at last Liscus, influenced by Caesar’s speech, brought forward what he had previously kept silent: that there were some whose authority with the common people was very great, who privately had more power than the magistrates themselves. 

2 Hos seditiosa atque improba oratione multitudinem deterrere, ne frumentum conferant quod debeant: 

2 That these men, by seditious and wicked speech, deterred the populace from contributing the grain they owed: 

3 praestare, si iam principatum Galliae obtinere non possint, Gallorum quam Romanorum imperia perferre, 

3 that it was preferable, if they could no longer hold supremacy in Gaul, to endure the rule of the Gauls rather than that of the Romans, 

4 neque dubitare quin, si Helvetios superaverint Romani, una cum reliqua Gallia Haeduis libertatem sint erepturi. 

4 and that they should not doubt that if the Romans defeated the Helvetii, they would take away the liberty of the Haedui together with the rest of Gaul. 

5 Ab isdem nostra consilia quaeque in castris gerantur hostibus enuntiari; hos a se coerceri non posse. 

5 That our plans and whatever occurred in camp were being reported to the enemy by these same men; and that he was unable to restrain them. 

6 Quin etiam, quod necessariam rem coactus Caesari enuntiarit, intellegere sese quanto id cum periculo fecerit, et ob eam causam quam diu potuerit tacuisse. 

6 Furthermore, because he had been forced to report a necessary matter to Caesar, he understood how dangerous that act had been, and for that reason had kept silent as long as he could. 

 [18] 

1 Caesar hac oratione Lisci Dumnorigem, Diviciaci fratrem, designari sentiebat, sed, quod pluribus praesentibus eas res iactari nolebat, celeriter concilium dimittit, Liscum retinet. 

1 By this speech of Liscus, Caesar perceived that Dumnorix, the brother of Diviciacus, was being indicated, but because he did not wish these matters to be discussed in front of many, he quickly dismissed the council and retained Liscus. 

2 Quaerit ex solo ea quae in conventu dixerat. Dicit liberius atque audacius. Eadem secreto ab aliis quaerit; reperit esse vera: 

2 He questioned him alone about what he had said in the assembly. Liscus spoke more freely and boldly. Caesar inquired about the same matters privately from others; he found them to be true: 

3 ipsum esse Dumnorigem, summa audacia, magna apud plebem propter liberalitatem gratia, cupidum rerum novarum. Complures annos portoria reliquaque omnia Haeduorum vectigalia parvo pretio redempta habere, propterea quod illo licente contra liceri audeat nemo. 

3 that Dumnorix himself was a man of extreme boldness, with great influence among the common people because of his generosity, and eager for revolution. For several years he had purchased the customs duties and all other taxes of the Haedui at a low price, because while he was bidding, no one dared to bid against him. 

4 His rebus et suam rem familiarem auxisse et facultates ad largiendum magnas comparasse; 

4 Through these means he had increased his personal wealth and acquired great resources for generosity; 

5 magnum numerum equitatus suo sumptu semper alere et circum se habere, 

5 he constantly supported and kept around him a large number of cavalry at his own expense, 

6 neque solum domi, sed etiam apud finitimas civitates largiter posse, atque huius potentiae causa matrem in Biturigibus homini illic nobilissimo ac potentissimo conlocasse; 

6 and he had great influence not only at home but also among neighboring states, and for the sake of this power he had given his mother in marriage among the Bituriges to a very noble and powerful man there; 

7 ipsum ex Helvetiis uxorem habere, sororum ex matre et propinquas suas nuptum in alias civitates conlocasse. 

7 he himself had a wife from the Helvetii, and had given his maternal sisters and other female relatives in marriage into other states. 

8 Favere et cupere Helvetiis propter eam adfinitatem, odisse etiam suo nomine Caesarem et Romanos, quod eorum adventu potentia eius deminuta et Diviciacus frater in antiquum locum gratiae atque honoris sit restitutus. 

8 He favored and supported the Helvetii because of this alliance, and he even hated Caesar and the Romans personally, because their arrival had diminished his power and his brother Diviciacus had been restored to his former position of influence and honor. 

9 Si quid accidat Romanis, summam in spem per Helvetios regni obtinendi venire; imperio populi Romani non modo de regno, sed etiam de ea quam habeat gratia desperare. 

9 If anything should happen to the Romans, he hoped greatly to obtain kingship through the Helvetii; under the rule of the Roman people, he despaired not only of kingship but even of the influence he possessed. 

10 Reperiebat etiam in quaerendo Caesar, quod proelium equestre adversum paucis ante diebus esset factum, initium eius fugae factum a Dumnorige atque eius equitibus (nam equitatui, quem auxilio Caesari Haedui miserant, Dumnorix praeerat): eorum fuga reliquum esse equitatum perterritum. 

10 Caesar also discovered in his inquiry that the cavalry engagement which had gone badly a few days earlier had begun with the flight of Dumnorix and his cavalry (for Dumnorix had been in command of the cavalry which the Haedui had sent to aid Caesar); their flight had terrified the rest of the cavalry. 

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[19] 

1 Quibus rebus cognitis, cum ad has suspiciones certissimae res accederent, quod per fines Sequanorum Helvetios traduxisset, quod obsides inter eos dandos curasset, quod ea omnia non modo iniussu suo et civitatis sed etiam inscientibus ipsis fecisset, quod a magistratu Haeduorum accusaretur, satis esse causae arbitrabatur quare in eum aut ipse animadverteret aut civitatem animadvertere iuberet. 

1 When these things had been learned, since very definite facts were added to the suspicions—namely, that he had led the Helvetii through the territory of the Sequani, had arranged for hostages to be given between them, and had done all these things not only without Caesar’s authority and that of the state but even without their knowledge, and that he was being accused by the Haeduan magistrate—Caesar judged that there was sufficient reason either to punish him himself or to order the state to do so. 

2 His omnibus rebus unum repugnabat, quod Diviciaci fratris summum in populum Romanum studium, summum in se voluntatem, egregiam fidem, iustitiam, temperantiam cognoverat; nam ne eius supplicio Diviciaci animum offenderet verebatur. 

2 One thing, however, opposed all these considerations: Caesar had recognized the deep devotion of his brother Diviciacus to the Roman people, his great good will toward himself, and his outstanding loyalty, justice, and self-control; he feared that he might hurt Diviciacus’s feelings by punishing his brother. 

3 Itaque prius quam quicquam conaretur, Diviciacum ad se vocari iubet et, cotidianis interpretibus remotis, per C. Valerium Troucillum, principem Galliae provinciae, familiarem suum, cui summam omnium rerum fidem habebat, cum eo conloquitur; 

3 Therefore, before he attempted anything, he ordered Diviciacus to be summoned to him, and, with the regular interpreters removed, he spoke with him through Gaius Valerius Troucillus, a leading man of the Roman province of Gaul, his close friend, in whom he had the highest confidence in all matters; 

4 simul commonefacit quae ipso praesente in concilio de Dumnorige sint dicta, et ostendit quae separatim quisque de eo apud se dixerit. 

4 at the same time, he reminded him of what had been said about Dumnorix in his presence at the council, and showed what each man had said privately to him about Dumnorix. 

5 Petit atque hortatur ut sine eius offensione animi vel ipse de eo causa cognita statuat vel civitatem statuere iubeat. 

5 He asked and urged him that, without taking offense, he should either himself render judgment upon him after examining the case or order the state to do so. 

 

[20] 

1 Diviciacus multis cum lacrimis Caesarem complexus obsecrare coepit ne quid gravius in fratrem statueret: 

1 Diviciacus, embracing Caesar with many tears, began to implore him not to determine anything too severe against his brother: 

2 scire se illa esse vera, nec quemquam ex eo plus quam se doloris capere, propterea quod, cum ipse gratia plurimum domi atque in reliqua Gallia, ille minimum propter adulescentiam posset, per se crevisset; 

2 that he knew those things to be true, and that no one suffered more pain from it than he did, because, while he himself had great influence at home and in the rest of Gaul, his brother, owing to his youth, had had little power and had grown through him; 

3 quibus opibus ac nervis non solum ad minuendam gratiam, sed paene ad perniciem suam uteretur. Sese tamen et amore fraterno et existimatione vulgi commoveri. 

3 that Dumnorix was using these resources and power not only to undermine his influence but almost to bring about his ruin. Still, he himself was moved both by brotherly love and public opinion. 

4 Quod si quid ei a Caesare gravius accidisset, cum ipse eum locum amicitiae apud eum teneret, neminem existimaturum non sua voluntate factum; qua ex re futurum uti totius Galliae animi a se averterentur. 

4 And if anything severe should befall him by Caesar’s hand, since he himself held a close place of friendship with Caesar, no one would believe it had not been done with his consent; and from this, it would result that the affections of all Gaul would be alienated from him. 

5 Haec cum pluribus verbis flens a Caesare peteret, Caesar eius dextram prendit; consolatus rogat finem orandi faciat; tanti eius apud se gratiam esse ostendit uti et rei publicae iniuriam et suum dolorem eius voluntati ac precibus condonet. Dumnorigem ad se vocat, fratrem adhibet; quae in eo reprehendat ostendit; quae ipse intellegat, quae civitas queratur proponit; monet ut in reliquum tempus omnes suspiciones vitet; praeterita se Diviciaco fratri condonare dicit. Dumnorigi custodes ponit, ut quae agat, quibuscum loquatur scire possit. 

5 As he tearfully begged these things of Caesar with many words, Caesar took his right hand; having consoled him, he asked him to end his entreaty. He showed that Diviciacus's influence with him was so great that he would forgive both the injury to the state and his own pain out of regard for his will and prayers. He summoned Dumnorix, brought in his brother, pointed out the things he blamed in him, set forth what he himself understood and what the state complained of; he warned him to avoid all grounds of suspicion in the future. He said that he forgave what was past for the sake of Diviciacus his brother. He placed guards over Dumnorix so that he could know what he was doing and with whom he was speaking. 

 

[21] 

1 Eodem die ab exploratoribus certior factus hostes sub monte consedisse milia passuum ab ipsius castris octo, qualis esset natura montis et qualis in circuitu ascensus qui cognoscerent misit. 

1 On the same day, having been informed by scouts that the enemy had encamped at the foot of a mountain eight miles from his own camp, Caesar sent men to find out what the nature of the mountain was and what kind of approach there was around it. 

2 Renuntiatum est facilem esse. De tertia vigilia T. Labienum, legatum pro praetore, cum duabus legionibus et iis ducibus qui iter cognoverant summum iugum montis ascendere iubet; quid sui consilii sit ostendit. 

2 It was reported that it was easy. At the third watch, he ordered Titus Labienus, his legate acting as praetor, with two legions and the guides who had reconnoitered the route, to ascend the highest ridge of the mountain. He showed him what his plan was. 

3 Ipse de quarta vigilia eodem itinere quo hostes ierant ad eos contendit equitatumque omnem ante se mittit. 

3 He himself, at the fourth watch, advanced toward them by the same route which the enemy had taken, and sent all his cavalry ahead of him. 

4 P. Considius, qui rei militaris peritissimus habebatur et in exercitu L. Sullae et postea in M. Crassi fuerat, cum exploratoribus praemittitur. 

4 Publius Considius, who was considered most skilled in military matters and had served in the army of Lucius Sulla and later in that of Marcus Crassus, was sent ahead with the scouts. 

 

[22] 

1 Prima luce, cum summus mons a Labieno teneretur, ipse ab hostium castris non longius mille et quingentis passibus abesset neque, ut postea ex captivis comperit, aut ipsius adventus aut Labieni cognitus esset, 

1 At first light, when the summit of the mountain was held by Labienus, and Caesar himself was not more than fifteen hundred paces from the enemy’s camp, and neither his arrival nor that of Labienus had been detected, as he later learned from prisoners, 

2 Considius equo admisso ad eum accurrit, dicit montem, quem a Labieno occupari voluerit, ab hostibus teneri: id se a Gallicis armis atque insignibus cognovisse. 

2 Considius, galloping up to him, reported that the mountain, which he had wanted Labienus to occupy, was held by the enemy: he said he had recognized this from Gallic arms and standards. 

3 Caesar suas copias in proximum collem subducit, aciem instruit. Labienus, ut erat ei praeceptum a Caesare ne proelium committeret, nisi ipsius copiae prope hostium castra visae essent, ut undique uno tempore in hostes impetus fieret, monte occupato nostros expectabat proelioque abstinebat. 

3 Caesar led his troops to the nearest hill and drew up his battle line. Labienus, as he had been instructed by Caesar not to engage in battle unless Caesar’s own forces had been seen near the enemy camp—so that an attack could be made on all sides at once—having taken the mountain, awaited our men and refrained from battle. 

4 Multo denique die per exploratores Caesar cognovit et montem a suis teneri et Helvetios castra movisse et Considium timore perterritum quod non vidisset pro viso sibi renuntiavisse. Eo die quo consuerat intervallo hostes sequitur et milia passuum tria ab eorum castris castra ponit. 

4 Finally, late in the day, Caesar learned through scouts that the mountain was held by his own men, that the Helvetii had moved their camp, and that Considius, terrified by fear, had reported as seen what he had not actually seen. That day, he followed the enemy at the usual distance and pitched camp three miles from their own. 

[23] 

1 Postridie eius diei, quod omnino biduum supererat, cum exercitui frumentum metiri oporteret, et quod a Bibracte, oppido Haeduorum longe maximo et copiosissimo, non amplius milibus passuum XVIII aberat, rei frumentariae prospiciendum existimavit; itaque iter ab Helvetiis avertit ac Bibracte ire contendit. 

1 On the day after this, because only two days remained until grain had to be distributed to the army, and because he was no more than eighteen miles away from Bibracte, by far the largest and most abundant town of the Haedui, he thought it necessary to provide for the grain supply; and so he turned his march away from the Helvetii and hastened toward Bibracte. 

2 Ea res per fugitivos L. Aemilii, decurionis equitum Gallorum, hostibus nuntiatur. 

2 This movement was reported to the enemy by deserters of Lucius Aemilius, a decurion of the Gallic cavalry. 

3 Helvetii, seu quod timore perterritos Romanos discedere a se existimarent, eo magis quod pridie superioribus locis occupatis proelium non commisissent, sive eo quod re frumentaria intercludi posse confiderent, commutato consilio atque itinere converso nostros a novissimo agmine insequi ac lacessere coeperunt. 

3 The Helvetii, either because they thought the Romans were withdrawing from them in fear—especially as they had not joined battle the day before, when the high ground had been occupied—or because they trusted they could cut them off from their grain supply, changed their plan, reversed their march, and began to pursue and harass our forces from the rear. 

 

[24] 

1 Postquam id animum advertit, copias suas Caesar in proximum collem subduxit equitatumque, qui sustineret hostium impetum, misit. 

1 When Caesar noticed this, he led his troops up the nearest hill and sent forward the cavalry to withstand the enemy’s attack. 

2 Ipse interim in colle medio triplicem aciem instruxit legionum quattuor veteranarum; in summo iugo duas legiones quas in Gallia citeriore proxime conscripserat et omnia auxilia conlocavit, 

2 Meanwhile he himself formed a triple battle line of four veteran legions midway on the hill; on the top ridge he placed the two legions which he had recently raised in Cisalpine Gaul and all the auxiliaries, 

3 ita ut supra se totum montem hominibus compleret; impedimenta sarcinasque in unum locum conferri et eum ab iis qui in superiore acie constiterant muniri iussit. 

3 so that he filled the whole mountain above him with men; he ordered the baggage and packs to be gathered in one place and that place to be fortified by those who had taken position in the upper battle line. 

4 Helvetii cum omnibus suis carris secuti impedimenta in unum locum contulerunt; ipsi confertissima acie, reiecto nostro equitatu, phalange facta sub primam nostram aciem successerunt. 

4 The Helvetii, following with all their wagons, gathered their baggage into one place; they themselves, in an extremely dense formation, having repelled our cavalry, formed a phalanx and advanced beneath our first battle line. 

[25] 

1 Caesar primum suo, deinde omnium ex conspectu remotis equis, ut aequato omnium periculo spem fugae tolleret, cohortatus suos proelium commisit. 

1 Caesar first removed his own horse from sight, then those of all the others, so that by equalizing the danger he might remove the hope of flight; and having encouraged his men, he began the battle. 

2 Milites loco superiore pilis missis facile hostium phalangem perfregerunt. Ea disiecta gladiis destrictis in eos impetum fecerunt. 

2 The soldiers, from higher ground, hurled their javelins and easily broke through the enemy phalanx. Once it was scattered, they charged them with drawn swords. 

3 Gallis magno ad pugnam erat impedimento quod pluribus eorum scutis uno ictu pilorum transfixis et conligatis, cum ferrum se inflexisset, neque evellere neque sinistra impedita satis commode pugnare poterant, 

3 A great hindrance to the Gauls in fighting was that, when several of their shields had been pierced and pinned together by a single javelin throw, and the iron had bent, they could neither pull them out nor fight effectively with their left arms encumbered, 

4 multi ut diu iactato bracchio praeoptarent scutum manu emittere et nudo corpore pugnare. 

4 so that many, after shaking their arms for a long time, preferred to throw away their shields and fight with unprotected bodies. 

5 Tandem vulneribus defessi et pedem referre et, quod mons suberit circiter mille passuum spatio, eo se recipere coeperunt. 

5 At last, exhausted by wounds, they began to retreat and to withdraw to a mountain about a mile away. 

6 Capto monte et succedentibus nostris, Boi et Tulingi, qui hominum milibus circiter XV agmen hostium claudebant et novissimis praesidio erant, ex itinere nostros ab latere aperto adgressi circumvenire, et id conspicati Helvetii, qui in montem sese receperant, rursus instare et proelium redintegrare coeperunt. 

6 With the mountain taken and our troops advancing, the Boii and Tulingi—who, about fifteen thousand in number, were closing the enemy's column and guarding the rear—attacked our men from the exposed flank and tried to surround them; seeing this, the Helvetii, who had withdrawn to the mountain, again pressed forward and renewed the battle. 

7 Romani conversa signa bipertito intulerunt: prima et secunda acies, ut victis ac submotis resisteret, tertia, ut venientes sustineret. 

7 The Romans wheeled their standards and advanced in two divisions: the first and second lines to resist the defeated and repulsed, the third to withstand those advancing. 

 

[26] 

1 Ita ancipiti proelio diu atque acriter pugnatum est. Diutius cum sustinere nostrorum impetus non possent, alteri se, ut coeperant, in montem receperunt, alteri ad impedimenta et carros suos se contulerunt. 

1 Thus the battle was fought for a long time and fiercely, with the outcome in doubt. When they could no longer withstand the assaults of our men, some, as they had begun, retreated to the mountain, others fled to their baggage and wagons. 

2 Nam hoc toto proelio, cum ab hora septima ad vesperum pugnatum sit, aversum hostem videre nemo potuit. 

2 For in this entire battle, although it lasted from the seventh hour until evening, no one was able to see the enemy turn their backs. 

3 Ad multam noctem etiam ad impedimenta pugnatum est, propterea quod pro vallo carros obiecerunt et e loco superiore in nostros venientes tela coniciebant et non nulli inter carros rotasque mataras ac tragulas subiciebant nostrosque vulnerabant. 

3 The fighting continued even near the baggage until late at night, because they had thrown their wagons forward as a rampart and from higher ground hurled missiles at our advancing men; and some, hiding among the wagons and wheels, threw spears and darts and wounded our soldiers. 

4 Diu cum esset pugnatum, impedimentis castrisque nostri potiti sunt. Ibi Orgetorigis filia atque unus e filiis captus est. 

4 After prolonged fighting, our men gained possession of the baggage and the camp. There, Orgetorix’s daughter and one of his sons were captured. 

5 Ex eo proelio circiter hominum milia CXXX superfuerunt eaque tota nocte continenter ierunt [nullam partem noctis itinere intermisso]; in fines Lingonum die quarto pervenerunt, cum et propter vulnera militum et propter sepulturam occisorum nostri [triduum morati] eos sequi non potuissent. 

5 From that battle about 130,000 men survived, and they marched continuously through the entire night [not stopping at any point]; on the fourth day they reached the territory of the Lingones, since our troops, both because of the soldiers’ wounds and the burial of the dead [having delayed for three days], had not been able to pursue them. 

6 Caesar ad Lingonas litteras nuntiosque misit, ne eos frumento neve alia re iuvarent: qui si iuvissent, se eodem loco quo Helvetios habiturum. Ipse triduo intermisso cum omnibus copiis eos sequi coepit. 

6 Caesar sent letters and messengers to the Lingones not to help them with grain or anything else; he warned that if they did, he would treat them the same as the Helvetii. After delaying three days, he began to pursue them with all his forces. 

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1 Helvetii omnium rerum inopia adducti legatos de deditione ad eum miserunt. 

1 The Helvetii, driven by a lack of all necessities, sent ambassadors to him to discuss surrender. 

2 Qui cum eum in itinere convenissent seque ad pedes proiecissent suppliciterque locuti flentes pacem petissent, atque eos in eo loco quo tum essent suum adventum expectare iussisset, paruerunt. 

2 When they met him on the march, threw themselves at his feet, and tearfully begged for peace, speaking in supplication, and when he ordered them to wait for his arrival in the place where they then were, they obeyed. 

3 Eo postquam Caesar pervenit, obsides, arma, servos qui ad eos perfugissent, poposcit. 

3 After Caesar arrived there, he demanded hostages, their arms, and the slaves who had fled to them. 

4 Dum ea conquiruntur et conferuntur, [nocte intermissa] circiter hominum milia VI eius pagi qui Verbigenus appellatur, sive timore perterriti, ne armis traditis supplicio adficerentur, sive spe salutis inducti, quod in tanta multitudine dediticiorum suam fugam aut occultari aut omnino ignorari posse existimarent, prima nocte e castris Helvetiorum egressi ad Rhenum finesque Germanorum contenderunt. 

4 While these were being collected and brought together, [after one night's interval] about six thousand men of the district called the Verbigene, either terrified by fear that they would be punished if they surrendered their arms, or led by hope of escape—thinking that in such a great crowd of the surrendered their flight could be concealed or entirely go unnoticed—departed from the Helvetian camp during the first part of the night and made for the Rhine and the borders of the Germans.